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Maduro consolidates hold on power as Venezuela’s opposition boycotts elections

Begum Zorlu, City St George’s, University of London

Venezuela’s ruling party romped to victory in regional and legislative elections on May 25, winning over 82% of votes cast for the national assembly. The government-controlled national electoral council said candidates for the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won the race for governor in 23 out of the country’s 24 states.

These elections saw a turnout possibly as low as 25% amid a partial opposition boycott. They were the first held since July 2024, when Nicolás Maduro secured a third consecutive term as Venezuela’s president in a vote that was condemned internationally as fraudulent.

One thing that stood out in that 2024 election was the ability of the opposition to mount a credible challenge. Their unified backing of Edmundo González as the presidential candidate, and the systematic gathering of evidence of electoral fraud from polling stations, reflected organisational strength and a coherent strategy.

However, that unity has since eroded. Protests against the 2024 result were met with a harsh government crackdown which included killings and mass detentions. Subsequently, Venezuela’s opposition became deeply divided over whether to participate in the most recent elections.

Veteran opposition leader María Corina Machado, who was barred from running for the presidency and has been in hiding since July, called on her supporters to boycott them. She said that participating would only serve to legitimise Maduro’s electoral fraud.

In contrast, a faction led by two-time presidential candidate Henrique Capriles viewed participation as an opportunity to reclaim political space. Capriles framed electoral participation as a form of protest, arguing that abstention only serves to strengthen Maduro.

Capriles claimed that victory in the 2015 parliamentary elections, which saw opposition parties win two-thirds of the seats in the national assembly, had been made possible by unity – whereas the decision by most of the opposition not to participate in the 2018 presidential election had effectively handed Maduro power.

In the May 2025 elections, Capriles and his supporters actively campaigned to encourage voter turnout – while the Machado camp accused those participating of cooperating with the Maduro regime. The debate was marked by accusations of betrayal and a lack of dialogue.

Learning from failures

Venezuela’s opposition parties have boycotted elections on several occasions over the past 25 years, as the government has tightened its authoritarian grip. But the decision has often had damaging consequences.

The most consequential boycott was in 2005, when a broad coalition of opposition parties withdrew from elections to the national assembly, citing concerns about voting irregularities and media bias. The move backfired.

The government, then led by Maduro’s PSUV predecessor Hugo Chávez, did not face international backlash. It won every seat and gained a supermajority that enabled constitutional changes, including expanded executive powers. The opposition lost its institutional foothold to challenge legislation.

The boycott also deepened internal rifts within Venezuela’s opposition. It entrenched the divide between moderates who favoured political engagement and hardliners who were sceptical of participation. These divisions have persisted to this day.

Opposition movements elsewhere have boycotted elections too, and the consequences have been similar. In 2014, the main opposition party in Bangladesh abstained from general elections in an attempt to delegitimise the ruling Awami League’s hold on power and prompt an international response.

In fact, this handed the Awami League near-total control of parliament. With no sustained international pressure, it contributed to the country’s authoritarian consolidation.

Such cases demonstrate that electoral boycotts pose a dilemma for opposition movements. By refusing to participate, they may unintentionally strengthen authoritarian rule by ceding space to incumbents and weakening their own unity.

Research shows that an electoral boycott is likely to be most effective when three conditions align: the ruling regime is vulnerable, the opposition is united, and the international context is favourable. These conditions have consistently been absent in Venezuela.

Its slide towards authoritarianism has been underpinned by the stability of the Maduro regime since 2013. His government has been able to rely on sustained military support and has used repression strategically to tighten its grip on power.

A lack of unity within the opposition has also worked to the regime’s advantage. In their work on Venezuela’s authoritarian trajectory, researchers Maryhen Jiménez and Antulio Rosales demonstrate that partial electoral boycotts have repeatedly failed to produce meaningful change. This is, in their view, due to the absence of a coordinated opposition strategy.

An uncoordinated strategy also risks fostering a sense of “defeatism” among regime critics. This can hamper people’s willingness to take collective action in the future.

Participation in authoritarian elections, even though they are not fair, can still expose underlying vulnerabilities within a ruling regime. Opposition mobilisation ahead of Venezuela’s 2024 election placed the Maduro government under significant pressure. It responded with electoral manipulation.

Evidence of voter fraud provoked international condemnation, including from Brazil and Colombia. These two countries had previously been more cautious in their criticism of the Maduro government.

This further isolated Maduro on the international stage. But condemnation was not accompanied by a sustained or coordinated international strategy to support mediation or political transition in Venezuela.

The road ahead

Whether the opposition can regain coherence and unity remains to be seen. But even if it can, authoritarianism in Venezuela appears firmly entrenched.

The national electoral council’s refusal to release vote tallies following the 2024 election, alongside an intensified crackdown on dissent, reflects a deepening consolidation of power. It is also evidence of Maduro’s declining concern with maintaining even a facade of democratic legitimacy.

In the absence of internal cohesion within Venezuela’s opposition, this authoritarian consolidation is likely to deepen. This will leave even fewer institutional footholds from which the opposition can mount a credible democratic challenge.

Begum Zorlu, ESRC Research Fellow in the Department of International Politics, City St George’s, University of London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Strategic Silence: The West and Turkey’s Authoritarian Turn

While local politicians across Europe have spoken out against the imprisonment of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu and the broader trend of democratic backsliding in Turkey, national leaders have largely remained silent, preferring to maintain ongoing cooperation with Ankara.

Photo: AFP

More than 50 days have passed since the arrest of Istanbul’s popular mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu. Following his historic victory in the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election, İmamoğlu, a member of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), has become one of the strongest challengers to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s political dominance. His victory not only marked the end of Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) ‘s decades-long control over Istanbul but also represented a larger quest for democratic reform. In light of his growing popularity, İmamoğlu has faced persistent political and legal pressure, which many perceived as part of a broader strategy to marginalise opposition voices.

In March 2025, İmamoğlu was finally arrested on multiple charges, including corruption and alleged connections to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). This came just days before the CHP was set to nominate him as its candidate for the 2028 presidential elections. At the same time, Istanbul University revoked his degree, a constitutional requirement for presidential candidates. The arrest led to widespread protests in major Turkish cities, while over 100 CHP-affiliated officials, municipal employees, and thousands of students and protestors were also arrested.

Civil society and local governments in Europe have raised their voices against this new authoritarian step taken by the AKP government. In an unprecedented show of solidarity, dozens of European mayors and municipal leaders have issued joint statements and videos condemning the arrest. The declarations called for İmamoğlu’s immediate release and urged European institutions to take urgent action to defend democratic freedoms in Turkey.

The Council of Europe labelled the arrest politically driven and a danger to democracy. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe called for his swift release, the dismissal of charges, the reinstatement of his degree, and an end to the repression against the protesters. The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities similarly condemned the arrest, describing it as an assault on political pluralism and the will of Istanbul’s electorate.

While the Council of Europe, some European politicians, members of the European Parliament, and local actors actively mobilised against the Turkish government’s authoritarian actions, political leaders in key Western nations remained notably restrained. A relative exception was German Chancellor Scholz, who explicitly condemned İmamoğlu’s detention, deeming it a setback for democratic principles and calling on political elites to cease politically motivated prosecutions. France also, through its Foreign Ministry, issued a public statement framing it as a threat to democracy. Yet overall, European leaders’ reactions were often muted or limited to generic expressions of concern, lacking the urgency, action, and clarity needed.

As the nationwide protests against the arrest began, followed by harsh crackdowns from security forces, CHP leader Özgür Özel expressed his disappointment with Europe’s weak political reaction, specifically highlighting that the silence from Keir Starmer and the British Labour Party is “really hard to understand.” This sentiment was intensified by issues surrounding press freedom and digital censorship, such as the deportation of Mark Lowen, a BBC journalist covering the protests. At the same time, platform X (formerly Twitter) was reported to be blocking opposition accounts in Turkey. Despite the alarming increase in repression, UK officials and some other European states have not issued any significant high-level response to the situation.

Erdoğan Turned Strategic Leverage into Political Immunity

Erdogan’s success in positioning Turkey as a key regional power has significantly altered the West’s response to democratic backsliding within the country. Turkey has become deeply embedded in Europe’s strategic considerations, notably through its role as a mediator and drone technology supplier in Russia’s war on Ukraine. Some commentators have even suggested that Turkish troops could participate in a future Ukraine peacekeeping mission. It has also sold drones to Poland and Croatia. Its role in managing migration, particularly through the 2016 EU-Turkey agreement, is viewed by European leaders as essential to preserving domestic political stability. These dynamics have not silenced Western leaders entirely, but it has produced a clear reluctance to challenge the regime over its authoritarian measures.

Turkish arms companies are increasingly being considered in a more in-depth manner for European defence strategy. Another key example is the emerging partnership between Baykar (the Turkish arms company owned by Erdoğan’s son-in-law) and Italy’s Leonardo. Framed as a “win-win” outcome by Baykar at the Turkey–Italy Summit, the deal marks a significant step toward integrating Turkish defence technology into Europe. The agreement, endorsed politically by Meloni and Erdogan just a month after İmamoğlu’s arrest, outlines joint work on UAVs, using Italian infrastructure as an entry point. This collaboration not only enhances Turkey’s standing but also secures Baykar’s presence in the European market, fostering further defence collaboration with the political regime in Turkey.

In this context, Turkey is emerging as a more self-assured player during uncertainties related to ongoing US support under Trump, and the wars in the Middle East and Ukraine. Erdogan, in particular, has adopted a notably confident tone, casting Turkey as essential to Europe’s future. “It is becoming increasingly impossible for a Europe without Turkey to continue its existence as a global actor,” he asserted, emphasising that “European security without Turkey is unthinkable.” These remarks illustrate a strategic messaging strategy that utilises Turkey’s military importance and growing role in regional diplomacy to seek recognition and influence within Europe’s changing security landscape. Nonetheless, the Turkish regime plans to set the terms of this partnership: while it offers cooperation, it also demands silence on its internal authoritarian practices, resembling the transactional relationships Europe previously had with regimes like Mubarak’s Egypt.

To sum, European reactions reflect strategic interests and security anxieties rather than a solid response to democratic backsliding in Turkey. The case of İmamoğlu exemplifies how pragmatism is here to stay in the West’s relationship with Turkey.

Begum Zorlu is an ESRC research fellow at City St George’s, University of London; Convenor of the PSA Turkish Politics Specialist Group and Content Producer at SES Equality and Justice Platform.

See the article featured at PSA Blog.

Death of Önder Marks Loss of a Leading Voice for Democracy and Peace in Turkey

Sırrı Süreyya Önder, a strong advocate for democracy and Kurdish rights, gained prominence through his role in Turkey’s pro-Kurdish movement and efforts to mediate peace between the state and the PKK. His death sparked tributes from across the political spectrum, with many praising his commitment to dialogue and peaceful resolution of Turkey’s deep-rooted conflicts.

Sirri Sureyya Önder, a key lawmaker from Turkey’s pro-Kurdish DEM Party and a significant player in the attempts to resolve the long-standing conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), passed away on Saturday at the age of 62.

Also a filmmaker and poet, he was a long-standing advocate for Kurdish rights and democratic reform. He came of age during a turbulent period in Turkish history, shaped by the radical leftist movements of the 1960s and 1970s. This era was marked by widespread student activism, labor strikes, and intense violent clashes between left- and right-wing groups.

In 1978, while still a high school student, Önder was arrested for protesting the Maraş Massacre. The massacre, which occurred in the city of Kahramanmaraş, involved a violent assault by ultranationalist militants on the Alevi community, resulting in the deaths of more than 100 people. The incident heightened sectarian tensions across the country. Önder’s early encounter with political violence and state repression would go on to shape his lifelong commitment to justice and democratic principles.

The 1980 coup further interrupted his studies at Ankara University’s Faculty of Political Science, and he spent part of his youth imprisoned in Mamak, Ulucanlar, and Haymana Prisons under the repressive conditions of military rule.

Önder first gained national recognition through his contributions to cinema in the early 2000s, wherein his films frequently examined themes of social justice, marginalization, and political memory. However, it was during the peace process of the 2010s that he emerged as a known advocate for democracy and peace. Apart from his quest to contribute to the Kurdish peace process, he was also extensively acknowledged for his involvement in the Gezi Park protests, during which he took a bold stance against the park’s destruction which was reflected in an iconic video in which he proclaimed, “I am also the deputy of the trees. “

His more than decade-long role in the Kurdish peace process stands as one of the most significant aspects of his legacy. In March 2013, at the Newroz (Kurdish New Year) celebrations in Diyarbakır, he publicly read out Öcalan’s call for a ceasefire, relaying the PKK leader’s message of a “silence of weapons” to a massive crowd.

When this peace process collapsed in 2015/2016, authorities lifted the parliamentary immunity of numerous HDP lawmakers, including Önder, and launched a sweeping crackdown. Ironically, Önder’s 2013 Newroz speech, delivered as part of a state-approved peace effort, was later used to charge him with “terrorist propaganda.” Despite urging reconciliation, he was sentenced in 2018 to 3 years and 6 months in prison. In 2019, the Constitutional Court ruled his conviction violated his freedom of expression, recognizing his speech as peaceful and part of the resolution process. He was released that, reaffirming his commitment to peace.

He was part of the renewed peace process

Just in the previous weeks, he participated in a DEM Party delegation that met with imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, as well as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, to seek a restart of negotiations and pave the way for a new peace process.

His death came at a delicate moment for Turkish politics, as hopes for a renewed peace initiative had been cautiously rekindled after years of escalating violence and political polarization. The conflict between the Turkish state and the PKK, which began in 1984, has claimed over 40,000 lives.

Tributes poured in from across the political spectrum, with many hailing Onder’s efforts to bridge divides and seek a non-violent solution to one of Turkey’s most entrenched conflicts. “He dedicated his life to peace, dialogue, and justice,” the DEM Party said in a statement. “His voice will be deeply missed at a time when it is needed most.”

Populism and Elections in Venezuela: A Conversation with Tamara Adrian

With contested vote counts, repression, and international calls for transparency, Venezuela exemplifies the challenges faced by democracies in an era of rising populism. In this podcast we host Tamara Adrián, an opposition activist who offers unique insights into populist and repressive strategies employed by the Venezuelan regime.

In the first episode of the podcast series “Voices on Global Populism”, we explore Venezuela’s contested elections held this summer, analysing the populist strategies at play and their broader implications for global populist trends.

The episode focuses on the electoral process that Venezuela undertook in the last year. On October 2023, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro reached an agreement with the opposition to pave the way for free and fair presidential elections. As part of the agreement, the regime committed to following democratic measures such as allowing international observers, while the United States pledged to ease certain economic sanctions. The opposition selected María Corina Machado as its candidate after she achieved a victory in the primaries.

However, just three months later, Venezuela’s Supreme Court—largely dominated by regime supporters—declared Machado ineligible to run, citing past financial irregularities. Consequently, a little-known candidate Edmundo González was chosen to run as the opposition candidate against Maduro.

The elections held in July further exacerbated Venezuela’s political crisis. While Nicolás Maduro declared victory, his government did not release a full and transparent vote count. Opposition activists who gathered electoral data from polling stations, encompassing over 83% of the voting tallies, exposed a significant disparity with the official narrative. According to this data, Maduro secured only 30% of the vote, compared to an overwhelming 67% for opposition candidate Edmundo González.

Despite calls for transparency from the United States, the European Union, and left-wing Latin American nations such as Brazil and Colombia, Venezuela’s National Electoral Council declared Maduro the winner without releasing disaggregated vote tallies.

The contested election triggered widespread protests and a wave of government repression. The United Nations human rights investigators have accused Maduro’s government of orchestrating a brutal crackdown highlighting widespread violence, including the detention of minors, fatalities—and the targeting of protests and online critics. While González has an arrest warrant and has fled to exile in Spain, the crackdown continues today.

To discuss these dynamics, as well as the broader theme of populism in Venezuela, we hosted opposition activist Tamara Adrián. Since the early 2000s, Tamara has been a prominent figure in Venezuela’s political landscape. She is the founder and director of Diversity and Equality Through Law and her activism spans across Latin America and beyond. She has collaborated with the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association and served as a special adviser on human rights for both the Pan American Health Organization and the World Health Organization. Also importantly, she is Venezuela’s first transgender member of parliament.

Below are some of the core points she underlines in the podcast. To see the full episode click here.

“The Elections Were Not Fair”

Tamara has raised a critique of Venezuela’s recent elections and the political climate under Nicolás Maduro. While she acknowledged the elections were legitimate, she argued they were fundamentally unfair. She commended the impressive organization and commitment of citizens, who served as witnesses at voting centers, ensuring transparency by securing certified copies of results, safeguarded with advanced security features. However, the aftermath of the elections reveals a picture of repression and fear.

Repression and Political Prisoners

Following the elections, over 2,000 people were imprisoned for protesting or participating in opposition groups. Many detainees were denied basic rights such as legal representation, family visits, or fair trials, leaving them isolated. Tamara underlined that currently, 1,963 political prisoners remain, despite the release of some detainees after international pressure, notably from the International Criminal Court. Yet, many remain vulnerable to re-arrest.

She also highlighted the oppressive tactics of Maduro’s regime, such as “Operation Knock Knock,” which involved sudden arrests targeting dissidents or even their family members to force compliance. This climate of fear has driven 2,000–3,000 activists into hiding or exile. Over 100 opposition politicians, spanning the political spectrum, remain imprisoned.

Public Sentiment and International Response

According to Tamara, despite the suppression, public sentiment overwhelmingly opposes Maduro. Recent surveys she mentions show 87% of the population supports the opposition, and 90–92% believe opposition candidate Edmundo González won the election.

She also acknowledged the international community’s limited ability to pressure autocratic regimes like Maduro’s. While sanctions and diplomatic efforts have been employed, they have not yield significant results. She also noted the regime’s reliance on allies like Cuba, Russia, and Turkey, which help sustain its autocratic grip.

The Role of Populism and Militarization

Tamara described how the rise of Hugo Chávez was built on populist foundations which she argued were marked by oil revenues. However, declining oil revenues and economic mismanagement have eroded his ability to deliver such benefits. In the discussion we came to a conclusion that the regime now depends heavily on military loyalty, fear tactics, and international alliances.

The Road Ahead

Tamara argued that Maduro’s imminent swearing-in as president in January, backed by the military, could mark Venezuela’s full transition into autocracy. However despite the challenges, Tamara is determined to continue her activism. Inspired by historical figures like Nelson Mandela, she said, she believes in the power of action against injustice. “When you cannot accept the state of things, you have to act,” she said, underscoring her commitment to go on.

December, 2, 2024

Begum Zorlu

This conversation is part of a podcast series exploring the influence of populism on both global and domestic politics in an age of global disorder, where shifting alliances, economic instability, and geopolitical conflicts continue to reshape the political landscape. These evolving dynamics are crucial to understanding how populism shapes struggles for democracy, gender justice, and prospects for political change. It is a part of the author’s ESRC Postdoctoral Fellowship in partnership with the SES Equality and Solidarity Association.

Repost: Rethinking the Past and Present of Liberal Internationalism

Poster Designs: Begum Zorlu

We are holding an international conference open to academics, staff and students. Please find the information here and below.

Conference Description

In recent years there is a surge in scholarly debates on the origins, transformations, legacies, and applications of liberal internationalism. Although there is no consensus on the term and its analytical frame of reference, most historians trace the emergence of liberal internationalist ideology in anglophone debates on international order during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

More recently, the language of liberal internationalism has been redeployed by IR scholars as a remedy to the crisis of western liberal democracy. The time seems ripe to revisit the concept of liberal internationalism and rethink its multiple pasts and presents.

To what extent can one speak of a coherent “liberal internationalist” zeitgeist? What does “liberal internationalism” mean in different periods and in different contexts? Are there non-western liberal internationalist traditions? How has empire and nationalism shaped liberal and internationalist imaginaries? What sense to do we make of binary categories such as idealism/realism, internationalism/isolationism that have shaped the debate on liberal international institutions and politics?

The conference will bring together historians, IR scholars and political theorists to survey the field of liberal internationalism and sketch out future research directions.

Early Career Seminar

During the conference, there will be a lunchtime Early Career Seminar (on 12th May, 12:30 – 14:00) addressed to PhD students and early career researchers across the humanities and social sciences. If you wish to present, please send a short description of your project and CV in one page to Begum.Zorlu.2@city.ac.uk by 28 April 2023. Download the seminar flyer [PDF].

Looking At The Leadership Contest In The Conservative Party Through a Gendered Lens

In the summer of 2022, British politics was dominated by two seemingly unrelated developments. On the one hand, the United Kingdom experienced record-breaking temperatures, with unprecedented heatwaves disrupting transport networks, public services and daily life, while intensifying debates over the government’s preparedness for the climate crisis. On the other, Westminster was consumed by the Conservative Party leadership contest that would determine the country’s next Prime Minister following Boris Johnson’s resignation. Although these events appeared disconnected, they both highlighted broader questions about political leadership, governance and the priorities of the Conservative government at a moment marked by economic uncertainty, rising inflation and an escalating cost-of-living crisis.

The leadership contest was precipitated by the collapse of Boris Johnson’s premiership following months of political instability. Johnson had survived a succession of controversies, including repeated allegations concerning breaches of COVID-19 lockdown regulations (“Partygate”), questions over ministerial ethics, accusations of cronyism and nepotism, and growing criticism of his leadership style. However, a wave of ministerial resignations in July 2022 ultimately rendered his position untenable, forcing him to announce his resignation after losing the confidence of a substantial proportion of his parliamentary party. Following several rounds of voting among Conservative Members of Parliament, Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak emerged as the final two candidates, with the party membership entrusted with selecting Britain’s next Prime Minister. Importantly, both candidates had served in Johnson’s Cabinet and had remained loyal to his government throughout much of the political turbulence surrounding his premiership, raising questions about the extent to which the leadership election represented substantive political renewal rather than a change of personnel.

At first glance, the leadership contest appeared historically significant from the perspective of descriptive representation. The Conservative Party fielded one of the most diverse leadership races in British political history, with several women competing alongside candidates from ethnic minority backgrounds. The presence of politicians such as Kemi Badenoch and Suella Braverman was celebrated by many Conservative politicians and supporters as evidence of the party’s inclusiveness and its ability to promote women and ethnic minority politicians to the highest levels of government. Such developments were frequently contrasted with assumptions that progressive parties alone provide opportunities for historically underrepresented groups.

Yet the diversity of the candidate field also exposed the limits of equating descriptive representation with substantive representation. While the race featured an unprecedented number of women and minority candidates, none advanced a political programme centred on gender equality, anti-racism or the protection of marginalised communities. Instead, the contest unfolded within an ideological framework shaped by the Conservative Party’s broader positions on public spending, immigration, identity politics and culture-war issues. The candidates broadly endorsed a programme combining fiscal conservatism, support for restrictive immigration policies and scepticism towards contemporary social movements such as Black Lives Matter and trans rights. This reflected not only ideological continuity within the Conservative Party but also the broader political context of post-Brexit Britain, where debates surrounding national identity, sovereignty and cultural values had become increasingly central to electoral competition. At a time when the United Kingdom faced a severe cost-of-living crisis and widening social inequalities, critics argued that continued support for austerity-oriented economic policies would disproportionately affect women, low-income households and minority communities, despite the symbolic diversity represented within the leadership contest.

Among the candidates, Kemi Badenoch emerged as one of the most prominent representatives of the Conservative Party’s right wing. Born in London to Nigerian parents, Badenoch attracted considerable attention through her criticism of concepts such as white privilege and institutional racism, her opposition to expanding transgender rights and her broader critique of what she characterised as identity politics. She also generated controversy through statements questioning aspects of contemporary climate policy and comments that critics argued minimised or legitimised Britain’s colonial past. Although eliminated before the final stages of the contest, Badenoch’s campaign demonstrated the growing influence of culture-war politics within contemporary Conservative Party debates.

Similarly, Suella Braverman, whose parents emigrated from India during the 1960s, positioned herself firmly on the party’s right. A prominent supporter of the government’s policy of transferring asylum seekers to Rwanda for offshore processing, Braverman consistently adopted a restrictive approach to immigration and asylum policy. Following legal challenges to the Rwanda scheme, she argued that it was “time to complete Brexit and let the British people decide who can and cannot stay in our country,” framing migration control as an issue of national sovereignty and democratic self-government. Her campaign illustrated how immigration remained one of the defining ideological fault lines within the leadership contest.

Penny Mordaunt represented a somewhat different profile. Having spent almost two decades in Westminster, she became the first woman to serve as Secretary of State for Defence in 2019. Her political career also reflected longstanding engagement with transnational conservative networks, including participation in George W. Bush’s 2004 presidential campaign. Nevertheless, Mordaunt maintained broadly interventionist positions on defence and foreign policy, supported military engagement overseas and voted against proposals to establish a comprehensive inquiry into Britain’s role in the Iraq War. Although sometimes portrayed as representing the more moderate wing of the party, her record nevertheless reflected significant continuity with established Conservative positions on security and defence.

The final contest ultimately pitted Liz Truss against former Chancellor Rishi Sunak. Truss, who had begun her political career as a member of the Liberal Democrats before joining the Conservative Party, had held several senior Cabinet positions, including Secretary of State for Justice, Lord Chancellor and Foreign Secretary. Throughout the campaign she was frequently described as the candidate most closely associated with Boris Johnson’s political agenda and received the endorsement of several prominent Johnson allies, including Braverman. Her record in government had also generated controversy, particularly regarding foreign policy. Among the most widely discussed examples was her public support for British citizens volunteering to fight in Ukraine following Russia’s invasion, a statement that prompted criticism because participation in foreign conflicts raised complex legal and diplomatic questions. She also faced criticism over the government’s continued export of arms to Saudi Arabia despite ongoing concerns regarding the conflict in Yemen. Domestically, Truss repeatedly criticised what she described as “post-modernist” approaches to education and equality, arguing that schools devoted excessive attention to issues such as racism and sexism at the expense of literacy and numeracy. These interventions reflected a broader Conservative discourse positioning debates around equality and identity as distractions from educational standards and economic performance.

Throughout the leadership campaign, issues relating to gender identity and transgender rights occupied a remarkably prominent place in political debate. Rather than presenting competing visions for advancing gender equality or addressing structural inequalities affecting women, much of the discussion centred on restricting the rights of transgender people. International media observed this trend, with CNN describing the contest as becoming “a transphobic spectacle” because of the prominence of rhetoric directed towards transgender communities. At the same time, candidates’ broader parliamentary voting records revealed relatively limited support for measures concerning gender equality, climate action and refugee protection. Consequently, while the leadership contest represented an important milestone in terms of descriptive diversity, it did not signify a corresponding shift towards more inclusive or progressive policy agendas. Instead, it illustrated how the increasing diversity of political elites does not necessarily translate into substantive representation of women, minority groups or marginalised communities, demonstrating the distinction between symbolic representation and transformative political change.