Tag Archives: TURKEY

Aysel Tuğluk’s Captivity is a Human Right Violation

In her commentary, Begum Zorlu, PhD researcher at City, University of London, argues that by denying Kurdish politician Aysel Tuğluk proper treatment for her dementia, authorities are putting her life at risk.

All persons under any form of detention or imprisonment shall be treated in a humane manner and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.

Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners, Article 1; UN Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment 

Followers of Turkish politics are aware that since the coup attempt in 2016, democratic backsliding in the country has taken the form of unjust trials, rights violations, and political violence. The deterioration of rights has also been evident in cases of detention, which are clearly in violation of the basic principles for the treatment of prisoners highlighted in international treaties. Kurdish politician Aysel Tuğluk’s continued captivity to this day demonstrates the cruelness of the current political climate in Turkey and marks a grave human rights violation.

Aysel Tuğluk is a prominent Kurdish politician and a human rights lawyer who has been active in national politics for almost twenty years. She was the founding member and Co-Chair of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party.

Her life has been marked by struggle on multiple fronts as she explained in one of her interviews that the death of her father and brother during her childhood shaped her desire to enter politics. She was raised by a diligent mother, who tried to make ends meet to keep Tuğluk in education. Tuğluk described the losses she faced during her childhood as motivating her to enter politics.

Aysel Tuğluk faced repression throughout her career and has been imprisoned since 2016 due to the charges on terrorism linked to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). However, as the solidarity group 1000 Women for Freedom to Aysel Tuğluk” has outlined, these charges are linked to the speeches she made as a deputy, which are within the scope of freedom of thought and expression.
While serving her sentence Tuğluk’s mother Hatun Tuğluk passed away in 2017, and the funeral was attacked by far-right protestors in Ankara. A large group attacked with stones and sticks and threatened to prevent the funeral. Due to this, Tuğluk’s family decided to move Hatun Tuğluk’s body from the cemetery where she was buried so that it would not be attacked. The crowd also shouted racist and discriminatory slogans like “we will not bury terrorists here. This is not an Armenian cemetery. If you bury them, we will cut them to pieces!” This undoubtably became a traumatising event as Aysel Tuğluk’s farewell to her mother was marked by attacks and threats. Due to the continued threats and impunity, Tuğluk’s mother’s body had to be transferred to Dersim. She was not able to attend the funeral as a permit was not given by the authorities. Tuğluk’s family and friends believe that the attacks have triggered or contributed to her illness. She was diagnosed with dementia in prison last year.

The situation is getting worse and urgent action needs to be taken

Even though her illness is progressing, Tuğluk is repeatedly facing obstacles to receiving the right treatment. After a long-term legal struggle, which recently concluded, the courts decided for her release. However, it was announced that Tuğluk will have to continue to stay in prison, due to receiving a sentence as part of another case.

The situation is dire. As a result of the treatment and examinations carried out by Kocaeli University Forensic Medicine Department months ago, it was stated that Aysel Tuğluk could not stay in prison. Her lawyer Ezgi Güngördü, stated that Tuğluk did not even remember the release decision given in the Kobanê case . Despite multiple medical and expert reports stating that “Tuğluk cannot stay in prison alone”, the official Institution of Forensic Medicine says she can stay imprisoned. However, the same Institution of Forensic Medicine made a decision to release the General Çevik Bir, who is also facing the same illness.

Solidarity Continues to Grow

Rights activists in Turkey and around the world have been working to raise awareness of her case and secure her release. In January, an application was made to the UN for the release of Tuğluk and other sick prisoners. Bar associations and non-governmental organizations wrote a letter to the UN to take action on the state of sick prisoners. This letter, signed by bar associations, law and human rights organizations from countries around the world was sent to the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture and Ill-Treatment, Independence of Judges and Lawyers, The Condition of Human Rights Defenders, Physical and Mental Health, and Minority Rights, and the Arbitrary Arrests Working Group.

Her captivity led to domestic and international reactions. The Republican Peoples’ Party (CHP) Adana Provincial Organization Chair Mehmet Çelebi has made a call for Aysel Tuğluk’s release from prison. Feminist activists and authors like Silvia Federici and Angela Davis also sent calls of solidarity.

Free Aysel Tuğluk Now

After the announcement that Tuğluk will not be released, the “Platform of 1000 Women for Aysel Tuğluk” gathered in front of the prison. Speaking at the gathering, Prof. Dr. Özgün said “Unfortunately, Aysel Tuğluk no longer has the opportunity to meet her needs and maintain her personal care without assistance.

Tuğluk’s continued captivity is making her illness worse, leading to an irreversible point with each passing day. As Kurdish politician Ahmet Turk put it earlier, “The government is approaching this issue with hostility. It is inhumane to keep a person in such a state of health in prison.” It is therefore correct to state that every day that Tuğluk is being held amounts to the continuation of a human rights violation. She must be released immediately.

Tensions rising in the Mediterranean: The interplay of domestic and foreign policy in Turkey

Photo by Pixabay on Pexels.com

The dangerous escalation in the Eastern Mediterranean, stemming from the disagreement over territory in the waters of the Aegean and Mediterranean, has increasingly been on the radar of scholars in Greece and Turkey, as well as international observers. The recent war of words, threats, and increased levels of military mobilization by Athens and Ankara has created fears of an armed encounter. Even though NATO has recently announced that the actors will “establish mechanisms for military deconfliction”, at the time of writing Greece rejected the cooperation.

How did it come to this? The current tensions can be said to be triggered by the recent alignment between Greece, Cyprus, Israel which indicated their willingness to cooperate on exploiting natural resources in the eastern Mediterranean. Regional cooperation resulted in the establishment of Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum last year which also included Italy, Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority.

The exclusion of Turkey from this alignment resulted in the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan beginning to carry out its search for natural resources in waters where jurisdiction is contested. Confrontation intensified in November 2019, when Turkey signed a controversial maritime accord with Libya’s government which was viewed illegal by Greece. In February, even when Turkey’s insistence on continuing its drilling activities resulted in minor sanctions from the EU, Turkey did not back down. Greece and Egypt recently concluded a bilateral demarcation treaty of their maritime territories in the eastern Mediterranean which infuriated Turkey.

The tensions between Greece and Turkey were intensifying outside the Mediterranean as well. In March, Turkey opened its borders and threatened to effectively end its refugee deal with Europe by allowing refugees to enter into the European Union. Next, the transition of Hagia Sophia, a former Byzantine church and later Ottoman mosque, which had been turned into a secular museum in the early years of the Republic of Turkey, back to a mosque, was perceived as a provocation by Greece. In a recent statement, the foreign minister of Greece, Nikos Dendias, also accused Erdoğan of attempting to “implement expansionist aims.”

Populist foreign policy

It is important to underline that Turkey’s disagreement over its share of natural resources is not new. Even though natural resources were discovered in the region years ago, and Turkey has been opposing the agreements that the other parties have signed for more than ten years, the current tension demonstrates that the territorial control of the waters is not the only prime reason of the current contention. What marks this novel tension is Turkey’s increasing isolation in the regional and international arena, confrontational and threatening tone in the foreign policy along with increasing authoritarianism at home.

Even though Turkey is following a confrontational and interventionist foreign policy, mainly manifested in Turkey’s intervention in Syria and Libya, Turkish elites, and primarily Erdoğan, utilise an injustice frame to explain their international position, especially in the case of the eastern Mediterranean.  

Under a populist foreign policy, similarly to its domestic policies at home, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has tried to forge a common identity by constructing a foreign “other”. The populist foreign policy has been concurrent with changes in political institutions which led to the domination of the president and his populism both at home and at the international level. Labelling rivals as “others” is a strategy that is frequently deployed by the ruling elites in domestic politics, since all those who challenge the government can be presented as being associated with this foreign “other” and hence be de-legitimised. This populist rhetoric in foreign policy also makes it harder to handle technical issues which also feeds into the conflict escalating tone and is an obstacle to nuanced diplomacy.

Erdoğan’s populist foreign policy is shaped by and shapes domestic politics in Turkey. Last year, hundreds were arrested in a crackdown on critics of the military offensive in Syria, called Operation Peace Spring by the Ankara. This demonstrates that those who advocate a counter-narrative to the government’s aggressive foreign policy actions risk being framed as a traitor and face imprisonment.

In this crisis, except for the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), the political opposition seems to pile behind the government. There are no clear proposals for peacefully resolving Turkey’s international quarrels from the political parties with few exceptions as they are following the agenda set by the incumbent. The statements made by the nationalist opposition Good Party (İYİ Parti) even provokes further escalation as one official from the party stated: “if any threats are made to the Turkish military, whoever makes these threats must and will receive a harsher response”, thereby maintaining a militarist tone.

Throughout this crisis, although the main opposition, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) claims to be a part of the social-democratic left tradition in Turkey, the party has failed to live up to the legacy of İsmail Cem who was Turkey’s foreign minister under the similarly aligned Democratic Left Party (DSP) in the 1990s. Cem, a successful diplomat, was able to disentangle domestic and international rhetoric, thereby ultimately establishing good personal relations with his Greek counterpart, George Papandreou.

Today the CHP is divided in its attitude. The spokesperson for the CHP has expressed support for the government’s policy by underlining that Turkey “should not take a step back” even though he acknowledges the need for a diplomatic resolution. Another CHP MP has underlined for example that “Turkey is a great state and will not comply as it did not in history.” However, there are other voices from the CHP like the Deputy Chairman Ünal Çeviköz who has been calling for the prioritisation of a peaceful resolution and provides diplomatic analysis on the framework. Çeviköz’s vision seems to be mirrored by the leader of CHP, Kılıçdaroğlu’s recent address in which he promoted a peaceful resolution by stating “both of our peoples do not want war.”

It is important to underline that Cem and Papandreou’s ability to put in place mechanisms that averted a conflict between the two states in the 1990s also demonstrate that under Turkey’s populist foreign policy, there is no room for diplomats that could act similarly. However, instead of following an approach dedicated to conflict resolution, the political opposition is not capable of making solutions heard and from time to time supports the incumbent in its confrontational tone.

Way ahead

Many of the analyses seem to forget that the global pandemic and the climate crisis is continuing and that there is a need for further cooperation rather than animosity between states. Accounts of energy or power politics also miss the environmental consequences of the quest to acquire natural resources. The utilisation of refugees as bargaining chips, the increasing militarisation in the public sphere are also perilous in the way ahead. 

In a time where such tensions are rising, international and regional assistance is needed more than ever to maintain the channels of dialogue that can prevent armed escalation. There also seems to be no consensus from the European actors on how to respond, as France is utilising a more assertive position against Turkey, with military backing and a continuous call for sanctions, while Germany’s approach involves bringing actors together. Time will show what will happen.

This article was published at Political Studies Association Blog.

A Year of Terrorist Bombings in Turkey (2015)


“While the ruling elite remains emotionally and physically unaffected by the bombings, this year of violence has left thousands dead and injured, broken dozens of families, and shattered the previously fragile peace in the country’s southeast.

In a state where funerals and lawlessness have become common, the victims of these mass atrocities feel isolated.

At a time when Turkey should be protecting and defending its citizens, there is a profound lack of justice for those who are most deeply affected by the country’s many, recent tragedies.”

See full text at Muftah.org

The 2015 Renault Strike in Turkey


At the end of their shift, almost half of the workers at the Renault factory in Bursa, Turkey decided that they will not be working the next day.

“Oyak Renault”, as it is known in Turkey, is a joint venture between the French automaker and the Turkish army pension fund Oyak.


The strike started on a Thursday night.

It lasted 14 days.

The number of those who launched the strike amounted to 2,500.

They expressed discontent both with the company and their union.


The strike spread to other companies such as Fiat’s affiliate company factory Tofas and automobile part suppliers in other industrial zones of Turkey as well.

I was able to go there a couple of days later, take these photos and witness the slogans and the atmosphere of “resistance” and “solidarity.”

This was the post in Turkish.


In this photo, it can be seen that a popular slogan from the Gezi Park Protests is diffused. The slogan states: “Everywhere Reno, resistance everywhere.” Those who write it probably belong to the supporter group of sports team Beşiktaş, named Çarşı.


Those who were striking and their supporters rallied in front of the factory, while some of the workers camped inside. Cheers and voices were loud when these small rallies took place.


Also, there was some hostility towards the “foreigners” as one worker stated: “We do not trust those “foreigners” coming from İstanbul. They may exploit us!”


Yet, the negative encounters with journalists were limited. They stressed some of the workers cards for entering the factory were not working. There was anger and mistrust towards the authorities. Mostly, the messages of solidarity and resistance were dominant.


In this placard it writes: “if you do not resist today, you will beg tomorrow.”


Oguz Alyanak wrote probably the best, a comprehensive article on the dynamics of the protest at Open Democracy. Definitely recommended.