Category Archives: TURKEY

Onlyherstory: “Sıradan” Kadınların Hikayesini Anlatmak

Eşitlik, Adalet, Kadın Platformu

Onlyherstory (Sadece Onun Hikayesi) Instagram sayfası aracılığı ile Türkiye’deki “sıradan” olarak nitelendiren fakat mücadele ile dolu olan kadınların hayat hikayelerini takipçilerine aktarıyor.

Bugüne kadar fotoğraflar ile birlikte yetmişi aşkın kadının hikayesini aktardı.

Sayfanın kurucularından proje koordinatörü ve yaratıcı yazarlık çalışmaları alanında çalışmalarını yürüten Derya Atlas ile konuştuk.

Onlyherstory sayfanız aracılığı ile Türkiye’de hayatlarımıza dokunmuş kadınların hikayelerini anlatıyorsunuz. Bu projeye ne zaman, nasıl başladınız ? Bu sayfayı kurma fikri nasıl oluştu ?

Ablam Duygu bize arada sırada eski aile fotoğrafları yollamayı çok sever, aile arşivinin çoğu da ondadır. Bundan iki sene önce durgun bir yaz günü anneannemizin fotoğraflarına bakarken “Niye bunları hikayeleştirip paylaşmıyoruz ki?” dedi. Biz, erken yaşta babasını kaybetmiş ve hayatında erkek figürü olmayan çocuklar olarak hep kadınların arasında, genelde bir mutfak masasının etrafında onların hikayelerini, hayatlarını dinleyerek büyüdük. Onlar belki bazıları için “sıradan” olabilirdi ama bizim hayatımıza damga vurmuş kadınlardı. Tez canlılıkla bir Instagram hesabı açtık ve kendi aile kadınlarımızın ağzından onların hikayelerini anlatmaya başladık.

Bu sayfa aracılığı ile “sıradan” olan hayatların aslında ne kadar sıradan olmadığını ve farklı mücadeleler ile şekillendiğini gösteriyorsunuz. Başladığınızda sitedeki içerik ile ilgili düşünceleriniz-planlarınız nelerdi, ilk hikayenizi nasıl yazdınız ve zamanla gelen hikayelerle sayfanız nasıl şekillendi ?

Amacımız hayatımızdaki kadınlardan başlayarak onlara başrol verip seslerini geçmişten duyurabilmekti. Genelde erkeklerin hikayelerinde yan karakter olan ve belli rollerde konumlandırılan tiplemelerin çok ötesinde, girift hikayelerimiz var bizim. İlk hikayemizin başrolü anneannemiz Kâmuran hep güçlü duran, biraz da vakur bir karakterdi fakat hayatının erken dönemini şekillendiren üstü örtülü bir erkek şiddeti vardı. Projemizin ana görseli olarak da kullandığımız Kâmuran’ın hülyalı güzelliği ve Mona Lisa-vari kriptik gülüşünün ardında bir hikaye olduğunu sezebiliyorsunuz. Zamanla, bize sevgili okurlarımızdan gelen her anlatıyla birlikte daha keskin tarihi dönemlere, kimliklere ve deneyimlere bakabilme şansımız oldu. Bu açıdan daha birbirleriyle kesişen ve kapsayıcı hikayeler anlatabiliyoruz artık.

Hikayelerin kadınların sesiyle yazılmış olması aktarımı eşsiz kılan özelliklerinden biri. Size hikayeler nasıl yollanıyor ve yazma sürecini nasıl gerçekleştiriyorsunuz ?

Hikayeler bize okurlarımız tarafından Instagram veya e-posta üzerinden yollanıyor. Geliş sırasına göre oluşturduğumuz epey kabarık bir yayın listemiz var. Bazıları bütüncül bir hikaye olarak geliyor, bu durumda zamanımızı hikayeyi düzenleme ve detaylandırmaya adıyoruz. Anlatı olarak aktarılanlarda ise düzenlemenin yanı sıra birinci ağızdan edebileştirerek yeniden yazım ve hikaye sahibiyle soru-cevap süreci daha yoğun ilerliyor.

Şu anda projeyi Duygu Atlas, Mesut Alp ve bendeniz yürütüyoruz. Biri tarihçi, biri arkeolog ve ikisi de usta hikaye anlatıcıları; bu sebeple her hikayeyi titizlikle, disiplinlerarası bir bağlamda inceliyoruz. En büyük önceliğimiz, ana akım medya ve kültürde yer bulmayan hikayeleri anlatmak ve etnisite, dil, din, yöre ayrımı gözetmemek, dolayısıyla olabildiğince çeşitli kadın deneyimleri anlatmak.

Sizce Türkiye’deki kadın hikayeleri birbirine nasıl bağlanıyor ? Bu hikayeleri aktarırken gördüğünüz benzerlikler ve farklılıklar neler ?

Kadın mücadelesi bu hikayelerin tam ortasında. Bir kere her kadının mücadelesi hep aleyhlerine işleyen ve onu bir gruba koymaya çalışan patriyarkal düzene karşı. Doğdukları dönem, yaşadıkları coğrafya, konuştukları dil ve sahip oldukları inançlara göre daha katmanlı mücadelelere dönüşüyor bu hikayeler. Daha kapsayıcı bir kadın dayanışması için tek tip değil, daha çok farklı kadın deneyimlerini konuşmaya ihtiyacımız var. Onlyherstory’nin ulaştığı kitlenin büyüklüğü ve çeşitliliği görünce bunu bir nebze başarabildiğimizi düşünüyoruz.

Sayfanızı gün geçtikçe daha çok kişi takip ediyor ve çok fazla yorum ve dayanışma mesajı alıyorsunuz. Hikayeleri hem Türkçe hem İngilizce anlatıyorsunuz, Türkiye’de ve Türkiye dışında nasıl bir geri bildirim aldınız ?

Hikayeleri Türkçe yazıyoruz, fakat Türkiye’de otuzu aşkın dil konuşuluyor, Kürtçe başta olmak üzere. Dilin önündeki engeli kaldırmak, anlatılan deneyimi de özgürleştiriyor. Bu yüzden ne kadar fazla dilde yapabilirsek, o kadar çok kişiye ulaşmış oluyoruz. İngilizce anlatmamızın genel nedeni, Türkiyeli kadınların görünürlüğünü arttırmak. Ayrıca, üçümüz de yurtdışında yaşadığımız için gözbebeğimiz bu projeyi evrensel bir dil olan İngilizcede anlatabilmek bizim için çok önemli.

Bundan sonra sayfa ve hikayelerin aktarımı ile ilgili başka projeleriniz var mı ? Nasıl bir yol izlemeyi düşünüyorsunuz ?

Çok yoğun iş tempolarımıza rağmen aklımız fikrimiz Onlyherstory’de. Daha çok vakit ayırıp projeyi büyütmeyi, daha çok hikaye yayınlamayı arzu ediyoruz. Yakında web sitemizi açacağız. Pandemi öncesi daha fiziksel planlarımız vardı, hatta Oxford Üniversitesi’nde bir “yaşamyazıcılığı” atölyesi yapacaktık. Bugünlerde projeyi nasıl kitaplaştırabileceğimiz üzerine kafa yoruyoruz. Genel olarak, projeye anlamlı bir fon bulmak, spesifik coğrafya veya konu odağında detaylı çalışmalar yapmak, sergi ve Youtube kanalı açmak gibi pek çok fikrimiz var. Fakat amacımız hep aynı: sesini duyuramamış kadınların hikayelerini geniş kitlelere duyurmak ve farkındalık yaratarak kadın dayanışmasını güçlendirmek.

Populism and Femicide in Turkey

Photo by Begüm Zorlu

by Balki Begumhan Bayhan & Begüm Zorlu

Pınar Gültekin, a 27-year-old student murdered by her ex-partner in July, whose death began the #ChallengeAccepted movement on Instagram. Source: Ahval/Facebook

On 21 July 2020, 27-year old university student Pınar Gültekin was murdered by her ex-boyfriend, becoming another victim of Turkey’s wave of femicides. Gültekin was declared missing for six days before she was found dead, strangled to death for refusing to reconcile with her former partner.

The news of Gültekin’s murder sparked protests across the country, with women taking to the streets in more than ten cities. The largest demonstrations took place across various neighbourhoods of Istanbul, gathering thousands of people. Smaller-scale protests also took place in less-populous Turkish cities including İzmir, Edirne, Mersin and Malatya.

On more than one occasion, women protesting gender-based violence were met with violence themselves. In İzmir, police officers brutally intervened in the protest and several women were beaten. Videos from the event captured scenes of women being manhandled and dragged away by police officers. 12 were taken into custody, although they were later released.

Women in Turkey have also taken to social media to protest femicides and express support for the Istanbul Convention – an international treaty on preventing violence against women – from which the Turkish government has expressed its intention to withdraw. The social media movement has involved women sharing photos of themselves in black and white on Instagram or Twitter under the hashtags ‘#ChallengeAccepted’ and ‘#IstanbulSozlesmesiYasatir’ (the Istanbul Convention Keeps Women Alive). Although it first started to trend in Turkey after Gültekin’s murder, this movement has now spread outside the country. Millions of women have participated in this social media movement – including high-profile celebrities such as Jessica Biel and Christina Aguilera.

Since the news of the murder of Gültekin, 11 women – Bahar Özcan, Seher Fak, Mücella Demir, Süheyla Yılmaz, Derya Aslan, Emine Yanıkoğlu, Döndü and Beyza Kandur, Gönül Gökçe, Sümmeye Ateş, Şule Bilgin and an unnamed 4-year-old girl – have met a similar fate. These tragic murders are, unfortunately, in no way isolated incidents. They form part of a larger pattern that has been emerging in Turkey under the country’s increasingly authoritarian Justice and Development Party (AKP) government.

Populism Meets Anti-Gender Discourse

Under the AKP, the number of women killed by men has increased rapidly. Since 2010, more than 3,000 women have been murdered as a result of male violence, with the figure more than doubling over the years. The vast majority of these women were killed for making decisions about their own lives – breaking up with a partner or rejecting men’s advances.

The increasing rate of femicide in Turkey. Source: We Will Stop Femicide Platform

Turkey’s recent controversy around the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention can be interpreted as a manifestation of the broader anti-gender discourse of many right-wing populist parties. Similarly, Poland’s conservative Law and Justice Party government has also been attacking the Convention, framing it as a menace to the family structure – with some of its officials arguing that it promotes ‘gay ideology.’ The debate around Turkey’s possible withdrawal began after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in typical populist fashion, stated that ‘if the people want us to leave it, we’ll leave it.’ The arguments for leaving the Convention have been similar to those in Poland. In both cases they are built upon decades-old anti-feminist discourses, with advocates of withdrawal claiming that it ‘empowers LGBT+ groups’ and ‘destroys families.’

As part of the AKP’s polarising strategies against political opposition, the party’s officials have vocally criticised forms of womanhood that do not fit into the roles envisaged by their conservative understanding of the family structure. With increasing emphasis on women’s traditional roles, in 2011 the Ministry of Women and Family Affairs was rebranded to remove reference to women, becoming the Ministry of Family and Social Policies. In the past, AKP officials and Erdoğan himself have repeatedly made discriminatory statements against women. For instance, the president has been quoted saying that ‘women are not equal to men’ and called for women to have ‘at least three children.’

The Way Forward

The government’s attempt to turn the Istanbul Convention into a wedge issue has backfired. There is no clear segment of society against it, and according to an opinion poll by Turkey Report only 8.8 percent of the population want to withdraw, and 51.7 percent are not even aware of its contents.

While the number of femicides has steadily increased, the Turkish government has failed to implement measures to protect women or introduce any reforms to tackle gender inequality. According to the Judicial Records statistics in 2019, most of the complaints made by women of sexual and physical violence do not result in a prosecution. This year, Turkey ranked 130th out of 153 countries in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index. Women’s rights activists are outraged by the deteriorating situation that is worsened by the proposal to withdraw from the treaty, with many arguing that it was never properly implemented in the first place.

Mobilised by outrage and solidarity, the women’s movement has made its presence felt in the mainstream of Turkish society, through both vocal social media campaigns and a tangible presence in the streets through mass protests. Gülseren Onanç – who served as the vice president of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the founder of the Equality, Justice and Women Platform – has told the authors that she is administrating a new project called ‘the Voice of Women,’ which aims to empower women on social media. She, like many feminist activists in Turkey, believes that effective use of social media is crucial to create awareness of, and action on, women’s rights and equality demands.

Tensions rising in the Mediterranean: The interplay of domestic and foreign policy in Turkey

Photo by Pixabay on Pexels.com

The dangerous escalation in the Eastern Mediterranean, stemming from the disagreement over territory in the waters of the Aegean and Mediterranean, has increasingly been on the radar of scholars in Greece and Turkey, as well as international observers. The recent war of words, threats, and increased levels of military mobilization by Athens and Ankara has created fears of an armed encounter. Even though NATO has recently announced that the actors will “establish mechanisms for military deconfliction”, at the time of writing Greece rejected the cooperation.

How did it come to this? The current tensions can be said to be triggered by the recent alignment between Greece, Cyprus, Israel which indicated their willingness to cooperate on exploiting natural resources in the eastern Mediterranean. Regional cooperation resulted in the establishment of Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum last year which also included Italy, Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority.

The exclusion of Turkey from this alignment resulted in the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan beginning to carry out its search for natural resources in waters where jurisdiction is contested. Confrontation intensified in November 2019, when Turkey signed a controversial maritime accord with Libya’s government which was viewed illegal by Greece. In February, even when Turkey’s insistence on continuing its drilling activities resulted in minor sanctions from the EU, Turkey did not back down. Greece and Egypt recently concluded a bilateral demarcation treaty of their maritime territories in the eastern Mediterranean which infuriated Turkey.

The tensions between Greece and Turkey were intensifying outside the Mediterranean as well. In March, Turkey opened its borders and threatened to effectively end its refugee deal with Europe by allowing refugees to enter into the European Union. Next, the transition of Hagia Sophia, a former Byzantine church and later Ottoman mosque, which had been turned into a secular museum in the early years of the Republic of Turkey, back to a mosque, was perceived as a provocation by Greece. In a recent statement, the foreign minister of Greece, Nikos Dendias, also accused Erdoğan of attempting to “implement expansionist aims.”

Populist foreign policy

It is important to underline that Turkey’s disagreement over its share of natural resources is not new. Even though natural resources were discovered in the region years ago, and Turkey has been opposing the agreements that the other parties have signed for more than ten years, the current tension demonstrates that the territorial control of the waters is not the only prime reason of the current contention. What marks this novel tension is Turkey’s increasing isolation in the regional and international arena, confrontational and threatening tone in the foreign policy along with increasing authoritarianism at home.

Even though Turkey is following a confrontational and interventionist foreign policy, mainly manifested in Turkey’s intervention in Syria and Libya, Turkish elites, and primarily Erdoğan, utilise an injustice frame to explain their international position, especially in the case of the eastern Mediterranean.  

Under a populist foreign policy, similarly to its domestic policies at home, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has tried to forge a common identity by constructing a foreign “other”. The populist foreign policy has been concurrent with changes in political institutions which led to the domination of the president and his populism both at home and at the international level. Labelling rivals as “others” is a strategy that is frequently deployed by the ruling elites in domestic politics, since all those who challenge the government can be presented as being associated with this foreign “other” and hence be de-legitimised. This populist rhetoric in foreign policy also makes it harder to handle technical issues which also feeds into the conflict escalating tone and is an obstacle to nuanced diplomacy.

Erdoğan’s populist foreign policy is shaped by and shapes domestic politics in Turkey. Last year, hundreds were arrested in a crackdown on critics of the military offensive in Syria, called Operation Peace Spring by the Ankara. This demonstrates that those who advocate a counter-narrative to the government’s aggressive foreign policy actions risk being framed as a traitor and face imprisonment.

In this crisis, except for the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), the political opposition seems to pile behind the government. There are no clear proposals for peacefully resolving Turkey’s international quarrels from the political parties with few exceptions as they are following the agenda set by the incumbent. The statements made by the nationalist opposition Good Party (İYİ Parti) even provokes further escalation as one official from the party stated: “if any threats are made to the Turkish military, whoever makes these threats must and will receive a harsher response”, thereby maintaining a militarist tone.

Throughout this crisis, although the main opposition, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) claims to be a part of the social-democratic left tradition in Turkey, the party has failed to live up to the legacy of İsmail Cem who was Turkey’s foreign minister under the similarly aligned Democratic Left Party (DSP) in the 1990s. Cem, a successful diplomat, was able to disentangle domestic and international rhetoric, thereby ultimately establishing good personal relations with his Greek counterpart, George Papandreou.

Today the CHP is divided in its attitude. The spokesperson for the CHP has expressed support for the government’s policy by underlining that Turkey “should not take a step back” even though he acknowledges the need for a diplomatic resolution. Another CHP MP has underlined for example that “Turkey is a great state and will not comply as it did not in history.” However, there are other voices from the CHP like the Deputy Chairman Ünal Çeviköz who has been calling for the prioritisation of a peaceful resolution and provides diplomatic analysis on the framework. Çeviköz’s vision seems to be mirrored by the leader of CHP, Kılıçdaroğlu’s recent address in which he promoted a peaceful resolution by stating “both of our peoples do not want war.”

It is important to underline that Cem and Papandreou’s ability to put in place mechanisms that averted a conflict between the two states in the 1990s also demonstrate that under Turkey’s populist foreign policy, there is no room for diplomats that could act similarly. However, instead of following an approach dedicated to conflict resolution, the political opposition is not capable of making solutions heard and from time to time supports the incumbent in its confrontational tone.

Way ahead

Many of the analyses seem to forget that the global pandemic and the climate crisis is continuing and that there is a need for further cooperation rather than animosity between states. Accounts of energy or power politics also miss the environmental consequences of the quest to acquire natural resources. The utilisation of refugees as bargaining chips, the increasing militarisation in the public sphere are also perilous in the way ahead. 

In a time where such tensions are rising, international and regional assistance is needed more than ever to maintain the channels of dialogue that can prevent armed escalation. There also seems to be no consensus from the European actors on how to respond, as France is utilising a more assertive position against Turkey, with military backing and a continuous call for sanctions, while Germany’s approach involves bringing actors together. Time will show what will happen.

This article was published at Political Studies Association Blog.

When Leftists Ruled the Airwaves: İsmail Cem, TRT, and a Divided Turkey

Reuben Silverman

Milliyet021574

İsmail Cem was thirty-three in 1974, youthful and handsome, educated at the best schools in Turkey and Europe, president of the Istanbul Journalists Union and a famous columnist in his own right. He was also the author of several books on Turkish politics with a pronounced socialist-bent. He was, in short, an ideal candidate to head the Television and Radio Institution of Turkey (TRT) when the center-left Republican People’s Party (CHP) came to power, and under his leadership TRT did indeed embark on some of its most important and artistic ventures. Yet his fifteen months in office were also marked by bitter disputes, accusations and legislative maneuvering that reflected an increasingly divided society where opposing factions saw themselves as representing the popular will and their opponents as having no legitimacy at all.

CONTENTS

I. I: A History of Turkish Radio Television Underdevelopment

II. Mr.Cem Goes to Ankara

III. The “Sultan…

View original post 11,762 more words

Protesting the Death of Tahir Elçi

Tahir Elçi, a celebrated human rights lawyer and activist promoting peace, was killed in Diyarbakir after a gun battle between the police and unidentified shooters.

He was issuing a press statement, calling out for an end to violence between the Turkish state and the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) when he was shot dead. He was 49 years old.

Masses gathered after hearing the news of his death in Istanbul by organising a vigil at Istiklal Street.

It can be said that the vigil happened spontaneously as over the years Istiklal Street became the main venue to protest injustice.

His death incited anger as he was an advocate for peace and reconciliation.

Almost everyone who knew him stated that “he was a good man that helped everyone around him.”

The protestors held photos of Elci and stayed in silence to commemorate him, then chanted slogans to express their outrage.

The following slogans were chanted: “Murderer State”, “You can’t kill us all”, “Şehîd Namirin” which means martyrs never die in Kurdish.

The police tried to disperse the crowd by driving armoured vehicles towards them and fired water cannons.

Yet the crowds remained.

It was a sad day for peace in Turkey.

It was a sad day.

Testimonies: Remembering Hrant Dink

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Jonathan Fryer had defined Hrant Dink in his obituary in the Guardian as “a warm, sensitive man, who would greet an old friend with a bear hug…”

He notes how Hrant Dink experienced harassment and threats, what Dink names and Fryer records as “psychological torture.”

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Fryer further reflects on Dink’s words: “I am just like a pigeon, obsessively looking to my left and to my right, in front of me and behind me.”

This quote is remembered every year, transferred to generations.

I learned about Dink by joining these protests.

I knew little of him when I first joined and over the years got to know what he stood for and what he did.

Younger people are also learning about him by accompanying their families, friends or just turning up after hearing about this unjust death.

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Being there makes one aware of the networks of solidarity and gives the feeling that one is not alone to stand up to injustices.

Thousands march to commemorate this sincere writer who was killed due to the predominance of hate, institutional hate.

Yet the hate that is maintained in institutions is being countered by the masses, with solidarity and objection.

These photos were taken on the 19th of January, 2015.

This is the day that the Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was killed eight years ago.

The march again was commemorating the life that had a lot to give, experience and was lost in an unjust and sudden way.

Hrant Dink has become a symbol of peace for many, every year thousands remember him and chant “Never Again”, “We are here!”

 


Articles and Sources on Hrant Dink

Hrag Vartanian (2006). A Voice in the Wilderness http://web.archive.org/web/20071119043902/http://agbu.org/publications/article.asp?A_ID=271&image=4

Hrant Dink Foundation https://hrantdink.org/en/hrant-dink

Section from his book “Two close peoples two distant Neighbours” https://hrantdink.org/attachments/article/109/TwoClosedpeopleTwoDistantNeighbours.pdf

 

A Year of Terrorist Bombings in Turkey (2015)

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“While the ruling elite remains emotionally and physically unaffected by the bombings, this year of violence has left thousands dead and injured, broken dozens of families, and shattered the previously fragile peace in the country’s southeast.

In a state where funerals and lawlessness have become common, the victims of these mass atrocities feel isolated.

At a time when Turkey should be protecting and defending its citizens, there is a profound lack of justice for those who are most deeply affected by the country’s many, recent tragedies.”

See full text at Muftah.org

Gülseren Onanç’tan Barış İçin Kadın Koalisyonu Önerisi

Bu yazının bir kısmı Bianet’de yayınlanmıştır.

Erişmek için tıklayınız.

Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Meclis Üyesi ve eski Genel Başkan Yardımcısı Gülseren Onanç Kadın Forum’unda Kuzey İrlanda’da kurulan kadın koalisyonunun Türkiye’de barışın tesisinde önemli bir örnek olacağını belirtti ve ısrarla diyaloğun altını çizdi.

Diyaloğun önemi

Onanç konuşmasına kendi deneyiminden yola çıkarak, kadın hareketindeki deneyimin onun dönüşümünde önemli rol oynadığının belirterek başladı. 10 yıl önce kadın ve Kürt meselelerinin beraber tartışılmasının bugün Kürt sorununa empati kurmasına katkıda bulunduğunu belirtti ve diyaloğun sadece kendileri gibi düşünenlerle değil karşı taraflarla da yürütülmesi gerektiğini söyledi.

AKP’li kadın vekiller sürece katılmalı

AKP’den de vekilleri sürece katarak kadın kimliği üzerinden bilinci arttırmanın değişimini tetiklenebileceğini söyleyen Onanç uzun dönemli barış için karşı taraftakileri kendi saflarına çekmeleri gerektiğini belirtti.

Kadın koalisyonu fikri

Bu Mart ayında hem siyasi partilerinde hem de sivil toplum örgütlerinin katıldığı , DPI’ın (Democratic Progress Institute) ev sahipliğinde Kuzey İrlanda’ya giden ve kadınların barış sürecindeki rolünü inceleyen Onanç İrlanda’dakine benzer bir koalisyonun Türkiye’de oluşabilmesinin imkanlarını sorgulayarak, girişimlerini belirtti.
Onanç:
‘IRA ile İngiltere arasındaki süreçte kadın koalisyonu bir oyuncu olarak geliyor ama kurulurken kendine prensipler belirliyor
bunlar:
  1. Çatışmaların silahla değil müzakere ve diyalog ile çözülmesi
  2. İdeolojiler üstü bir siyaset zeminine duyulan ihtiyaca cevap verme
  3. Ayrıştıran siyaset yerine uzlaştıran, ilkeler yerine iş yapan siyaset anlayışın tesis edilmesi
  4. Kadınlar çatışmaların mağdurudur ve dayanışma içinde olmalıdır ilkesi
  5. Dünyada çözülemeyecek hiç bir çatışma yoktur yeter ki diyalog ve müzakereler olsun anlayışı.’

 

‘Diyalogu bizim başlatmamız gerekiyor’

‘Çatışma çözümlerinde etkili olmanın yolu ayrım yapmayan kapsayıcı bir iletişim ve ilişki sürdürmek adına önyargıları kırmaktan korkmamalıdır. Öncelikle önyargılarımızı kırmak üzere diyalogu bizim başlatmamız gerekiyor. Diyaloğun çok  önemli olduğuna inanıyorum ve insanı kadını ve sistemi değiştirebileceğine inanıyorum.
Uzun dönemde yapılacak barış görüşmeleri içerisinde kurulacak bir kadın koalisyonunun, fakat bütün siyasi yelpazeyi içeren bir koalisyonun yarın kurulacak her hangi bir masada yer alması gerekiyor’ dedi.

The 2015 Renault Strike in Turkey

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At the end of their shift, almost half of the workers at the Renault factory in Bursa, Turkey decided that they will not be working the next day.

“Oyak Renault”, as it is known in Turkey, is a joint venture between the French automaker and the Turkish army pension fund Oyak.

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The strike started on a Thursday night.

It lasted 14 days.

The number of those who launched the strike amounted to 2,500.

They expressed discontent both with the company and their union.

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The strike spread to other companies such as Fiat’s affiliate company factory Tofas and automobile part suppliers in other industrial zones of Turkey as well.

I was able to go there a couple of days later, take these photos and witness the slogans and the atmosphere of “resistance” and “solidarity.”

This was the post in Turkish.

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In this photo, it can be seen that a popular slogan from the Gezi Park Protests is diffused. The slogan states: “Everywhere Reno, resistance everywhere.” Those who write it probably belong to the supporter group of sports team Beşiktaş, named Çarşı.

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Those who were striking and their supporters rallied in front of the factory, while some of the workers camped inside. Cheers and voices were loud when these small rallies took place.

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Also, there was some hostility towards the “foreigners” as one worker stated: “We do not trust those “foreigners” coming from İstanbul. They may exploit us!”

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Yet, the negative encounters with journalists were limited. They stressed some of the workers cards for entering the factory were not working. There was anger and mistrust towards the authorities. Mostly, the messages of solidarity and resistance were dominant.

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In this placard it writes: “if you do not resist today, you will beg tomorrow.”

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Oguz Alyanak wrote probably the best, a comprehensive article on the dynamics of the protest at Open Democracy. Definitely recommended.