Category Archives: Social Movements

Kolombiyaโ€™nฤฑn ร‡atฤฑrdayan BarฤฑลŸฤฑ

Bu yazฤฑ Bianet, Biamag iรงin yazฤฑlmฤฑลŸtฤฑr.

FARC (Kolombiya Devrimci Silahlฤฑ Gรผรงleri )ve Kolombiya devleti arasฤฑnda 2016 yฤฑlฤฑnda imzalanan barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑ ile birlikte yarฤฑm yรผzyฤฑl boyunca devam eden รงatฤฑลŸma sรผrecinin nihai sona getirmesi umuluyordu. FARC, 2016 sonbaharฤฑnda  imzalanan anlaลŸmadan yedi ay sonra uluslararasฤฑ gรถzlemcilerin eลŸliฤŸinde silahlarฤฑnฤฑ teslim etmiลŸ ve partileลŸme sรผrecine odaklanmฤฑลŸtฤฑ[1]. Verilen silahlar Bogotaโ€™da Fragmentos (Parรงalar) isimli yapฤฑnฤฑn tabanฤฑna barฤฑลŸฤฑ simgelemek iรงin parke taลŸฤฑ olarak dรถลŸenmiลŸti. Kapsayฤฑcฤฑ barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑ ve toplumsal cinsiyet perspektifi[2] iรงerdiฤŸinden รถtรผrรผ barฤฑลŸ รงalฤฑลŸmalarฤฑnda da รถrnek olarak gรถsterilen bu sรผreรง, akademisyen ve aktivistler tarafฤฑndan da ilgiyle takip edilmiลŸti.

Kolombiyaโ€™daki barฤฑลŸ sรผreci hala akademisyenler ve aktivistlerin gรผndeminde fakat รถzellikle geรงtiฤŸimiz yฤฑldaki geliลŸmeler barฤฑลŸ sรผrecin รงatฤฑrdadฤฑฤŸฤฑna dair iลŸaretler veriyor. ร–zellikle COVID-19 salgฤฑnฤฑ ile birlikte insan haklarฤฑ aktivistlerine, topluluk liderlerine artan saldฤฑrฤฑlar ve hรผkรผmetin sรผreci yรผrรผtmedeki baลŸarฤฑsฤฑzlฤฑฤŸฤฑ endiลŸe yaratฤฑyor. Bu yazฤฑ geriye doฤŸru giden sรผrecin adฤฑmlarฤฑnฤฑ ve son geliลŸmeleri, literatรผr ve haberleri รถzetlemeyi amaรงlฤฑyor.  

Referandum ve Muhafazakar BaลŸkan Duqueโ€™nin Seรงimi ile BaลŸlayan Gerileme

2016 sonbaharฤฑndan bugรผne barฤฑลŸ sรผreci nasฤฑl evirildi ? ร–rnek bir barฤฑลŸ sรผrecinden, รงatฤฑrdayan bir duruma nasฤฑl ulaลŸฤฑldฤฑ? TartฤฑลŸmaya anlaลŸmadan sonra gerรงekleลŸen referandum ile baลŸlayabiliriz. AnlaลŸmanฤฑn imzalanmasฤฑnฤฑn hemen ardฤฑndan halk oylamasฤฑna sunulan barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑ, yรผzde 50,24 oyla reddedildi. O zamanki cumhurbaลŸkanฤฑ Juan Manuel Santos ve FARC liderliฤŸi buna raฤŸmen รงatฤฑลŸmayฤฑ dindiren aรงฤฑklamalarda bulundu. Open Democracyโ€™nin yorumuna gรถre anlaลŸma, referanduma sunulduฤŸunda siyasi bir araรง haline geldiฤŸinde ivmesini kaybetti ve kutuplaลŸma toplumsal barฤฑลŸฤฑn รถnรผnรผ kesti. Fakat Santosโ€™un barฤฑลŸฤฑ koruyan tavrฤฑ, FARCโ€™ฤฑn ateลŸkesi korumasฤฑ ve uluslararasฤฑ toplumun desteฤŸi barฤฑลŸ sรผrecini canlฤฑ tutmaya devam etti.

AnlaลŸmanฤฑn รงatฤฑrdamasฤฑnฤฑ saฤŸlayan ana faktรถrlerden birinin 2018 yฤฑlฤฑnda muhafazakar ve anlaลŸmayฤฑ eleลŸtiren Ivรกn Duque’nin cumhurbaลŸkanฤฑ seรงilmesi olduฤŸunu sรถylemek mรผmkรผn. Atlantic dergisinde yazan Juan Arredondoโ€™ya gรถre ลŸiddetin artmasฤฑnda bir รงok faktรถrรผn yanฤฑnda รถncelikli olarak barฤฑลŸa siyasi desteฤŸin olmamasฤฑ รถne รงฤฑkฤฑyor. Duque’nin seรงimi ile birlikte ลŸiddette aรงฤฑk bir artฤฑลŸ ve siyasi katฤฑlฤฑmda sarsฤฑntฤฑ yaลŸandฤฑ. Artan ลŸiddet ortamฤฑnda Duque, anlaลŸmanฤฑn getirdiฤŸi adalet mekanizmalarฤฑnฤฑ ve sรผreรง iรงin gereken bรผtรงeyi hedef aldฤฑ.

FARCโ€™ฤฑn siyasi temsilindeki kฤฑrฤฑlmalarฤฑndan biri geรงtiฤŸimiz sene yaลŸandฤฑ. BarฤฑลŸ gรถrรผลŸmeleri sฤฑrasฤฑnda grubu temsil eden kฤฑdemli bir FARC komutanฤฑ olan Ivรกn Mรกrquez, Senato koltuฤŸunu bฤฑrakฤฑp saklandฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ aรงฤฑkladฤฑ ve daha sonra kendisinin ve bir grup muhalifin yeniden silahlandฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ sรถyledi. Bu kararฤฑnฤฑ hรผkรผmetin ihanetinden รถtรผrรผ aldฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ belirtti[3]. Ayrฤฑca 2019 sonbaharฤฑnฤฑn sonlarฤฑnda Kolombiya ordusu tarafฤฑndan dรผzenlenen askeri baskฤฑnda 12-17 yaลŸ arasฤฑ 8 รงocuฤŸun รถldรผrรผldรผฤŸรผ haberi geldi ve Ivรกn Duque ve kabine รผyelerine karลŸฤฑ artan hoลŸnutsuzluฤŸu kรถrรผkledi. Artan ลŸiddet, yolsuzluk ve hรผkรผmete karลŸฤฑ ekonomik hoลŸnutsuzluฤŸun birleลŸmesi ile kitlesel eylemler gerรงekleลŸti. Hรผkรผmetin barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑna sadฤฑk kalacaฤŸฤฑna dair inanรงta รถnemli bir dรผลŸรผลŸ oldu.

Akademik รงalฤฑลŸmalar ve uluslararasฤฑ gรถzlemciler hรผkรผmetin barฤฑลŸ iรงin gerekenleri yapmadฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑn ฤฑsrarla altฤฑnฤฑ รงiziyor. BarฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑ ile birlikte NormalleลŸme iรงin Yerel GeรงiลŸ Alanlarฤฑ, FARCโ€™ฤฑn sivil hayata yeniden entegre edilmesi iรงin kurumsal yapฤฑ ve รผlkenin hazฤฑrlanmasฤฑ iรงin gerekli koลŸullarฤฑnฤฑ yaratmak amacฤฑyla oluลŸturulmuลŸtu[4]. Madrid Complutense รœniversitesiโ€™nden Rios Sierraโ€™nฤฑn da belirttiฤŸi gibi yerel dรผzeyde รงรถzรผlmemiลŸ bรถlgesel hรผkรผmet yetersizlikleri de รถzellikle FARC ile silahlฤฑ รงatฤฑลŸmanฤฑn vurduฤŸu bรถlgenin รงoฤŸunda yokluฤŸu hakim kฤฑlฤฑyor ve yeni bir ลŸiddet dalgasฤฑ yaratฤฑyor. Hรผkรผmetin yetersiz finansmanฤฑnฤฑn sรผreci baltaladฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ belirten Rios Sierra kaynaklarฤฑn ลŸiddetten en รงok etkilenen yerlere daฤŸฤฑtฤฑlmasฤฑndaki aลŸฤฑrฤฑ yavaลŸlฤฑฤŸฤฑn; ya da yasal engellerin bu gerilemeyi yarattฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ sรถylรผyor. Akademisyen Shauna N. Gillooly de bu bรถlgelerde, hรผkรผmetin anlaลŸmalarda vaat ettiฤŸi saฤŸlฤฑk, iรงme suyu ve barฤฑnaฤŸฤฑn yokluฤŸunu vurguluyor. Yerelin sorunlarฤฑna, ihtiyaรงlarฤฑna ve dinamiklerine odaklanmayan bir sรผreรง ise aลŸaฤŸฤฑda bahsedilecek ลŸiddet sarmalฤฑnฤฑ kรถrรผklรผyor.

Pandemi Kฤฑskacฤฑnda Topluluk Lideri ve Hak Arayฤฑcฤฑlarฤฑna Yรถnelik Saldฤฑlar ve Suikastler

London School of Economics (LSE) bรผnyesindeki Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik Merkeziโ€™nde araลŸtฤฑrmalarฤฑnฤฑ yรผrรผten Dr. Elena B. Stavrevska Kolombiyaโ€™da barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑ imzalandฤฑฤŸฤฑndan beri siyasal ลŸiddet ve cinayetlerin arttฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑn[5] ve รถzellikle pandemide รถldรผrรผlen aktivist ve topluluk liderlerinin sayฤฑsฤฑnฤฑn รงok yรผkseldiฤŸinin altฤฑnฤฑ รงiziyor. BirleลŸmiลŸ Milletler (BM) 2020’nin baลŸฤฑndan bu yana en az 42 katliam kaydettiฤŸini, ve bunun 2016’nฤฑn eski FARC savaลŸรงฤฑlarฤฑyla barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑnฤฑn imzalanmasฤฑndan bu yana en yรผksek rakam olduฤŸunu sรถyledi. Uluslararasฤฑ Kriz Grubuโ€™nun raporuna gรถre 2016’dan bu yana en az 415 topluluk lideri รถldรผrรผldรผ ve yรผzlerce daha fazla tacize uฤŸradฤฑ veya zorla yerinden edildi.

Daha รงok yerelde yaลŸanan bu ลŸiddet sรผreci barฤฑลŸฤฑn neden gerilediฤŸini anlamak iรงin รงok รถnemli. AnlaลŸmanฤฑn รงatฤฑrdamasฤฑnda bir รถnemli noktanฤฑn ise suรง รงeteleri ve uyuลŸturucu kaรงakรงฤฑlarฤฑ yeniden ortaya รงฤฑkmasฤฑ olduฤŸunu sรถylemek mรผmkรผn. Arredondoโ€™nun gรถsterdiฤŸigi gibi bu gruplar Kolombiyaโ€™nฤฑn yasa dฤฑลŸฤฑ uyuลŸturucu ve madencilik endรผstrilerini kontrol etmek iรงin sendika รถrgรผtleyicileri, yerli liderler, รงevreciler ve topluluk aktivistlerini hedef alฤฑyor. Bu gruplar silah bฤฑrakan FARC militanlarฤฑnฤฑn bรถlgelerinde kontrol saฤŸlamayฤฑ amaรงlฤฑyor. Devlet ise yereldeki lider ve hak arayฤฑcฤฑlarฤฑnฤฑ koruyamฤฑyor.

Uluslararasฤฑ Kriz Grubuโ€™nun birkaรง gรผn รถnce yayฤฑnlanan raporu cinayetlerin bรผyรผk รงoฤŸunluฤŸu Antioquia, Cauca ve Chocรณ gibi รงatฤฑลŸmalardan uzun sรผredir etkilenen bรถlgelerde meydana geldiฤŸini belirtiyor. Rapora gรถre savcฤฑlar tarafฤฑndan tutulan rakamlar, cinayetlerin yรผzde 59’unun kimliฤŸi tespit edilebilen silahlฤฑ gruplara, yรผzde 39’unun bilinmeyen kiลŸi veya gruplara ve yรผzde 2’sinin askeri gรถrevlilere atfedilebileceฤŸini gรถsteriyor. ร‡alฤฑลŸmanฤฑn belirttiฤŸi gibi suikastlar ve tehditler kolektife โ€œsessiz kalma, belirli haklarฤฑ savunmayฤฑ bฤฑrakma veya silahlฤฑ gruplarฤฑn รงizdiฤŸi gรถrรผnmez sฤฑnฤฑrlar iรงinde kalma[6]โ€ mesajฤฑnฤฑ yolluyor. Aynฤฑ zamanda kadฤฑnlarฤฑn cinsel ลŸiddet tehdidi alma veya รงocuklarฤฑnฤฑn ya da aile รผyelerinin taciz edildiฤŸini gรถrme olasฤฑlฤฑklarฤฑnฤฑn รงok daha yรผksek olduฤŸunun altฤฑ รงiziliyor. โ€œLGBT topluluฤŸunun liderleri, kendilerine yรถnelik ลŸiddet iรงeren ve hatta รถlรผmcรผl niyetlere aรงฤฑk bir referans olan โ€œsosyal temizlikโ€ ihtiyacฤฑnฤฑ รถne sรผren mesajlar aldฤฑklarฤฑnฤฑ[7]โ€ bildiriyor.

KOVID-19 baฤŸlamฤฑnda ise altฤฑ aya yakฤฑn bir sรผre boyunca virรผsรผn yayฤฑlmasฤฑnฤฑ sฤฑnฤฑrlamak iรงin รผlke iรงi seyahatlerin kฤฑsฤฑtlanmasฤฑ ile birรงok uzaktaki topluluฤŸun izole edildiฤŸi vurgusu yapฤฑlฤฑyor ve โ€œsilahlฤฑ gruplar hรผkรผmetin dikkat daฤŸฤฑnฤฑklฤฑฤŸฤฑndan yararlanarak topraklardaki kontrollerini sฤฑkฤฑลŸtฤฑrdฤฑklarฤฑโ€ sรถyleniyor. Pandemi sรผrecindeki veriler iki aylฤฑk kฤฑsฤฑtlamalar esnasฤฑnda, topluluk lider cinayetlerinin, ulusal cinayet oranฤฑ yรผzde 16 dรผลŸerken, yรผzde 53 arttฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ gรถsteriyor[8].

Kฤฑrฤฑlgan Gelecek

Mevcut geliลŸmeler hรผkรผmetin barฤฑลŸฤฑ tesis etmesi iรงin hem gรผven saฤŸlamasฤฑ hem de saฤŸlam adฤฑmlar atmasฤฑ gerektiฤŸini gรถsteriyor. ร–zellikle bu sene yaลŸanan saldฤฑrฤฑ ve katliamlar Duque hรผkรผmetinin barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑnฤฑn ana noktalarฤฑndan biri olan sivil toplumun korunmasฤฑnฤฑ saฤŸlayamadฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ gรถsteriyor. Fakat 2016 yฤฑlฤฑnda gรถrkemli tรถrenler ve sembolik birliktelikler ile baลŸlayan umut sรถnmรผลŸ deฤŸil. GeรงtiฤŸimiz sene ekonomik ve sosyal sorunlarฤฑn bir arada protesto edilmesi ve kitlesel protestolardaki barฤฑลŸ vurgusu, barฤฑลŸ iรงin desteฤŸin varlฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ gรถsteriyor. Hem yerelde hem de ลŸehirlerde kadฤฑn รถrgรผtleri, maฤŸdurlar, sivil toplum adalet aramaya devam ediyor. Son analiz ve araลŸtฤฑrmalarฤฑn gรถsterdiฤŸi en acil dรถnรผลŸรผm yerelde barฤฑลŸ anlaลŸmasฤฑnฤฑn maddelerini uygulamak; insan haklarฤฑ aktivistleri ve yerel liderleri korumak oluyor.


[1] FARC aynฤฑ kฤฑsaltmayฤฑ kullanarak siyasi partisinin adฤฑnฤฑ โ€œHalk iรงin Alternatif Devrimci Gรผรงโ€ yapmฤฑลŸtฤฑ.

[2] Demosโ€™un Kolombiya raporu sรผreรงte, kadฤฑnlarฤฑn ve LGBTQฤฐ+ kesimin barฤฑลŸ inลŸacฤฑsฤฑ olarak daha รถnceki hiรงbir รถrnekte bu derece tanฤฑnmamฤฑลŸ olmasฤฑyla รถne รงฤฑktฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ belirtiyor. https://demos.org.tr/baris-ve-toplumsal-cinsiyet-kolombiya-baris-sureci-raporu/

[3] Open Democracy ayrฤฑca hรผkรผmetin toprak daฤŸฤฑtฤฑmฤฑ ile ilgili taahhรผtlerini yerine getirmediฤŸinin de altฤฑnฤฑ รงiziyor ve sonuรง olarak, FARC muhaliflerinin faaliyet gรถsterdiฤŸi alanlarda daha fazla รงatฤฑลŸma ortaya รงฤฑktฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ belirtiyor.

[4] Anastasia Shesterinina The Conversationโ€™daki yazฤฑsฤฑnda 13.000’den fazla eski savaลŸรงฤฑnฤฑn sivil olarak yaลŸadฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ ve bazฤฑlarฤฑnฤฑn sivil hayata topluluklar olarak girerek kolektif bir yol izlediฤŸini, diฤŸerleri kendi iลŸlerini kurup, iลŸ piyasasฤฑna girdiฤŸini veya ailelerine geri dรถndรผฤŸรผnรผ belirtiyor. Bunun yanฤฑnda birรงok eski FARC รผyesi, geรงiลŸ bรถlgeleri olarak kurulan kฤฑrsal yerlerde gruplar halinde yaลŸadฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ sรถylรผyor.

[5] Sivil toplum รถrgรผtรผ INDEPAZ รถldรผrรผlen aktivist ve liderlerin listesini tutuyor. http://www.indepaz.org.co/lideres/

[6] Sayfa i

[7] Sayfa 10

[8] Sayfa 26

Polonyaโ€™da LGBTฤฐ Bireylere Artan Saldฤฑrฤฑlar Kฤฑskacฤฑnda BarฤฑS ve Gรผvenlik Gรผndemi

Photo by Markus Spiske on Pexels.com


Polonyaโ€™daki sรผreci ve barฤฑลŸ ve gรผvenlik gรผndemi ile iliลŸkisini anlamak iรงin Kadฤฑn BarฤฑลŸ ฤฐnลŸacฤฑlarฤฑ Kรผresel AฤŸฤฑโ€™ndan (GNWP) Agnieszka-Fal Dutra Santosโ€™un โ€œHaklar Olmadan BarฤฑลŸ Olmaz: Polonyaโ€™da LGBTQ Bireylere KarลŸฤฑ Ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik Gรผndemi (WPS Gรผndemi) Yรผkรผmlรผlรผklerinin Uygulanmasฤฑnฤฑn ร–nรผne Bariyer Koyuyorโ€ isimli yazฤฑsฤฑnฤฑ Begรผm Zorlu EลŸitlik, Adalet, Kadฤฑn Platformu iรงin Tรผrkรงeye รงevirdi.

GeรงtiฤŸimiz haftalarda Tรผrkiyeโ€™de ฤฐstanbul SรถzleลŸmesiโ€™nin hedef alฤฑnmasฤฑna karลŸฤฑ protestolar bรผyรผrken bir yandan Polonyaโ€™da da benzer bir mobilizasyon yaลŸanmaktaydฤฑ. Polonya hรผkรผmetinin ฤฐstanbul SรถzleลŸmesiโ€™nden รงekileceฤŸini aรงฤฑklamasฤฑndan sonra binlerce protestocu sokaklara dรถkรผlmรผลŸ, birรงok aktivist gรถzaltฤฑna alฤฑnmฤฑลŸtฤฑ.


London School of Economics (LSE) bรผnyesindeki Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik Merkeziโ€™nin blog sayfasฤฑnda yayฤฑnlanan bu yazฤฑnฤฑn orjinaline bu linkten eriลŸebilirsiniz. Yazฤฑda verilen atฤฑflarฤฑ orijinal linkte bulabilirsiniz.

Polonyaโ€™da LGBTฤฐ Bireylere Artan Saldฤฑrฤฑlar Kฤฑskacฤฑnda BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik Gรผndemi

Agnieszka-Fal Dutra Santos

Polonyaโ€™da LGBTQ haklarฤฑnฤฑn gerilemesi

2020 yฤฑlฤฑnฤฑn Haziran ayฤฑnda, baลŸkanlฤฑk seรงimlerinin ilk turundan sadece birkaรง gรผn รถnce, sol gรถrรผลŸlรผ Polonya medyasฤฑ genรง bir eลŸcinsel birey olan Michaล‚โ€™ฤฑn intihar ettiฤŸini bildirdi. Michaล‚โ€™ฤฑn ailesinin homofobiye atfettiฤŸi รถlรผm, mรผnferit bir olay olmak yerine daha derin bir akฤฑmฤฑn parรงasฤฑ. VarลŸova รœniversitesi ร–nyargฤฑ AraลŸtฤฑrma Merkeziโ€™nin, Homofobi KarลŸฤฑtฤฑ Kampanya (KPH), Lambda VarลŸova DerneฤŸi ve Trans-Fuzja Vakfฤฑ ile ortaklaลŸa yรผrรผttรผฤŸรผ bir araลŸtฤฑrmaya gรถre, Polonyaโ€™daki LGBTQ bireylerin yaklaลŸฤฑk% 50โ€™sinin intihar dรผลŸรผnceleri barฤฑndฤฑrฤฑyor. Bu oran genel nรผfus iรงinde % 1.

LGBTQ bireyler nefret ve ลŸiddet dalgasฤฑyla karลŸฤฑ karลŸฤฑya kalฤฑyor: 2015-2016 yฤฑllarฤฑ arasฤฑnda en az % 70โ€™i bir tรผr ลŸiddetle karลŸฤฑlaลŸtฤฑ. Ancak homofobik ลŸiddete maruz kalanlarฤฑn% 4โ€™ten azฤฑ bunu polise bildirdi. LGBTQ kiลŸilerin ortalama% 14โ€™รผ cinsel ลŸiddete maruz kaldฤฑ, bu oran aseksรผel ve trans kiลŸiler ve biseksรผel kadฤฑnlar arasฤฑnda daha da yรผksekti (% 20).

LGBTQ bireylere yรถnelik ลŸiddet, daha geniลŸ olarak azฤฑnlฤฑklara yรถnelik yetersiz yasal koruma, homofobi ve transfobinin artan kurumsallaลŸmasฤฑ baฤŸlamฤฑnda gerรงekleลŸiyor. Polonya ฤฐnsan Haklarฤฑ Komiseri โ€˜ne gรถre, heteronormatif olmayan kiลŸilerin kamuoyu tarafฤฑndan kabulรผ 2019 yฤฑlฤฑnda azaldฤฑ. Bu dรผลŸรผลŸ, Polonyaโ€™da 2015 yฤฑlฤฑndan beri artan, โ€œbazฤฑ politikacฤฑlar ve medya ลŸahsiyetleri tarafฤฑndan tekrarlanan ve gรผรงlendirilenโ€ nefret sรถylemi, homofobik, transfobik retorikteki ve gรถรงmenlere, ฤฑrksal, etnik azฤฑnlฤฑklara, LGBTQ bireylere yรถnelik nefret sรถylemindeki artฤฑลŸ ile baฤŸlantฤฑlฤฑ.

Polonya yasalarฤฑ bu tรผr saldฤฑrฤฑlara karลŸฤฑ yeterli koruma saฤŸlamฤฑyor. ฤฐnsan Haklarฤฑ Komiseri, 2019โ€™da, Polonya iรงtihat hukukunda LGBTQ kiลŸilerin yasal korunmasฤฑnฤฑn โ€œyavaลŸ ilerlemeโ€ kaydettiฤŸini belirtti. Ayrฤฑca, bu ilerleme, son politik ve yasama eฤŸilimleri tarafฤฑndan tersine รงevrilmemiลŸse de, zayฤฑflatฤฑldฤฑ.

2019 yฤฑlฤฑnฤฑn Haziran ayฤฑnda, uzun bir yasal mรผcadelenin ardฤฑndan, Anayasa Mahkemesi, LGBTQ haklarฤฑ kuruluลŸuna hizmet vermeyi reddeden matbaa dรผkkanฤฑ vakasฤฑnda, hizmet verenlerin โ€œsaฤŸlam bir nedeniโ€ olmadan hizmet vermemeyi, ve cinsiyet, etnik kรถken, cinsel yรถnelim ve kimliฤŸine dayalฤฑ ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑ yasaklayan Polonya Kabahatler Kanunuโ€™nun 138. maddesini anayasaya aykฤฑrฤฑ buldu. Buna ek olarak, Polonya belediyeleri, 2019 yฤฑlฤฑnฤฑn baลŸฤฑndan bu yana, kendilerini โ€œcinsiyet ve LGBT ideolojisinden arฤฑnmฤฑลŸ bรถlgelerโ€ olarak deklare eden kararlarฤฑ hayata geรงirdi. Haziran 2020 itibariyle, Polonyaโ€™daki 104 ลŸehir, belediye ve voyvodalฤฑk (en bรผyรผk idari bรถlรผm) bu tรผr kararlarฤฑ kabul etti. Bรถylece, Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn yaklaลŸฤฑk% 30โ€™unu โ€œLGBTโ€™siz bรถlgeโ€ haline getirdi. Bu kararlar, LGBTQ haklarฤฑnฤฑ geliลŸtirmeyi hedefleyen herhangi bir eyleme karลŸฤฑ รงฤฑkmayฤฑ vadetti ve yerel konseyleri, ulusal parlamentoyu ve hรผkรผmeti โ€œeลŸcinsel yapฤฑdaki รถrgรผtlerin finansmanฤฑnฤฑn kaynaklarฤฑnฤฑ ve yรถntemlerini kontrol etmeyeโ€ รงaฤŸฤฑrdฤฑ.

2020 yฤฑlฤฑnฤฑn Temmuz ayฤฑnda, bu kararlardan ikisi, LGBTQ haklarฤฑ รถrgรผtlerinin yaptฤฑฤŸฤฑ bir kampanya ve Polonya ฤฐnsan Haklarฤฑ Komiseriโ€™nin mรผdahalesi sonrasฤฑnda iptal edildi. Fakat, Polonya CumhurbaลŸkanฤฑ tarafฤฑndan imzalanan โ€œAile ลžartฤฑโ€™ndaโ€ da aรงฤฑkรงa gรถrรผldรผฤŸรผ gibi Polonyaโ€™da LGBTQ haklarฤฑnฤฑn korunmasฤฑnda tehlikeli bir eฤŸilimi temsil ediyorlar. โ€œAile ลžartฤฑโ€ eลŸcinsel evliliฤŸe, รงocuklarฤฑn eลŸcinsel รงiftler tarafฤฑndan evlat edinilmesine karลŸฤฑ รงฤฑkma taahhรผdรผnรผ iรงeriyor ve โ€œLGBT ideolojisinin kamu kurumlarฤฑnda teลŸvik edilmesiniโ€ yasaklฤฑyor.

Polonyaโ€™daki homofobi ve transfobi, cinsiyet eลŸitliฤŸine karลŸฤฑ daha geniลŸ bir hareket baฤŸlamฤฑnda da konumlandฤฑrฤฑlabiliyor ve bu da kadฤฑn haklarฤฑnฤฑn tehdit altฤฑnda olduฤŸu bir ortam yaratฤฑyor. รœlkedeki homofobik ve transfobik yasalarฤฑn รงoฤŸalmasฤฑ, kadฤฑn haklarฤฑ ve cinsiyet eลŸitliฤŸine zarar veren diฤŸer yasal ve politika deฤŸiลŸiklikleri ile birlikte gerรงekleลŸti. Bu endiลŸe verici geliลŸmeler โ€“ Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn kรผrtaj yasasฤฑnฤฑ (halihazฤฑrda Avrupaโ€™daki en muhafazakar yasalar arasฤฑnda) daha da sฤฑkฤฑlaลŸtฤฑrma giriลŸimleri, ya da kadฤฑna yรถnelik ลŸiddet ve aile iรงi ลŸiddeti รถnleme ve mรผcadele eden ฤฐstanbul SรถzleลŸmesiโ€™nden รงekilme kararฤฑโ€“ LGBTQ haklarฤฑna karลŸฤฑ kampanya gerรงekleลŸtiren aynฤฑ aลŸฤฑrฤฑ saฤŸ gruplar tarafฤฑndan yรผrรผtรผldรผ.

Homofobinin kurumsallaลŸmasฤฑ ve Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik (WPS) Yรผkรผmlรผlรผkleri

Polonyaโ€™da homofobi ve transfobinin kurumsallaลŸmasฤฑ Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik gรผndeminin uygulanmasฤฑ baฤŸlamฤฑnda ne ifade ediyor?

Polonya, Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik ile ilgili, 2018-2021 dรถnemi iรงin ilk Ulusal Eylem Planฤฑnฤฑ (UEP) 2018โ€™de kabul etti. UEP, bรถlgedekilerin รงoฤŸu gibi, รถncelikle kadฤฑnlarฤฑn silahlฤฑ kuvvetlere katฤฑlฤฑmฤฑna ve Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn dฤฑลŸ politikasฤฑna odaklanฤฑyor. Dรถrt ana dayanaktan oluลŸuyor:

  1. Kadฤฑnlarฤฑn รงatฤฑลŸmanฤฑn รถnlenmesi ve barฤฑลŸฤฑn korunmasฤฑna anlamlฤฑ katฤฑlฤฑmฤฑ;
  2. Polonya insani yardฤฑm ve kalkฤฑnma yardฤฑmฤฑ yoluyla Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik gรผndeminin uygulanmasฤฑ;
  3. ร‡atฤฑลŸmalara baฤŸlฤฑ cinsel ve cinsiyete dayalฤฑ ลŸiddet maฤŸdurlarฤฑnฤฑn korunmasฤฑ ve desteklenmesi; ve
  4. Polonyaโ€™da ve uluslararasฤฑ iลŸbirliฤŸi yoluyla Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik gรผndeminin teลŸvik edilmesi ve geliลŸtirilmesi.

UEP, LGBTQ topluluฤŸundan veya haklarฤฑndan doฤŸrudan bahsetmiyor. ร–te yandan, UEPโ€™deki ana hedef gruplar โ€“kadฤฑnlar ve รงatฤฑลŸmalara baฤŸlฤฑ cinsel ve cinsiyete dayalฤฑ ลŸiddet maฤŸdurlarฤฑ- lezbiyen, biseksรผel ve trans kadฤฑnlarฤฑ kapsayabilir. Bununla birlikte, LGBTQ kiลŸilere yรถnelik nefret sรถyleminin ve ลŸiddetin artan yaygฤฑnlฤฑฤŸฤฑ, meลŸrulaลŸtฤฑrฤฑlmasฤฑ ve kurumsallaลŸmasฤฑ, dรถrt temelin da anlamlฤฑ bir ลŸekilde uygulanmasฤฑnฤฑ engelleyen bir ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk iklimi yaratmaktadฤฑr.

Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik gรผndeminin destekรงileri ve yรผrรผtรผcรผleri arasฤฑnda, taahhรผtlerin uygulanmasฤฑnฤฑn daha geniลŸ bir ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk yapmama ilkesine dayandฤฑrฤฑlmasฤฑ ihtiyacฤฑna dair artan bir kabul var. BaลŸka bir yerde tartฤฑลŸtฤฑฤŸฤฑm gibi, Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik hedefleri โ€“ hem dฤฑลŸ yardฤฑm ve politikaya, hem de iรง meselelere odaklanan- ancak yapฤฑsal cinsiyet eลŸitsizlikleriyle mรผcadele edilirse gerรงekleลŸtirilebilir. Bu nedenle kararlar, Kadฤฑnlara KarลŸฤฑ Her Tรผrlรผ AyrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑn ร–nlenmesi SรถzleลŸmesi (CEDAW) tarafฤฑndan belirlenen daha geniลŸ normatif รงerรงeve baฤŸlamฤฑnda yorumlanmalฤฑdฤฑr.

CEDAW Komitesi, 28 numaralฤฑ Genel Tavsiye Kararฤฑnda, โ€œkadฤฑnlarฤฑn cinsiyet ve toplumsal cinsiyete dayalฤฑ ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑฤŸa maruz kalmasฤฑnฤฑn ฤฑrk, etnik kรถken, din ya da inanรง, saฤŸlฤฑk, sosyal statรผ, yaลŸ, sฤฑnฤฑf, kast ve cinsel yรถnelim ile cinsel kimlik gibi kadฤฑnlarฤฑ etkileyen diฤŸer faktรถrlerle de ayrฤฑlmaz bir ลŸekilde baฤŸlantฤฑlฤฑโ€ olduฤŸunu kabul etti ve taraf devletlere โ€œbu tรผr kesiลŸen ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk biรงimlerini ve bunlarฤฑn ilgili kadฤฑnlar รผzerindeki olumsuz etkilerini yasal olarak tanฤฑmalarฤฑ ve yasaklamalarฤฑโ€ รงaฤŸrฤฑsฤฑnda bulundu. Bu baฤŸlamda, LGBTQ topluluฤŸuna yรถnelik ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑn ele alฤฑnmasฤฑ, Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ ve Gรผvenlik gรผndeminin uygulanmasฤฑ iรงin zorunlu hale gelmiลŸ durumda.

Birinci Dayanak: Katฤฑlฤฑm

Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn Ulusal Eylem Planฤฑ, kadฤฑnlarฤฑn anlamlฤฑ katฤฑlฤฑmฤฑnฤฑ gerรงekleลŸtirmek iรงin daha geniลŸ kapsamlฤฑ bir ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk yapmama ilkesinin รถnemini bir dereceye kadar kabul etmektedir.

Birinci dayanak altฤฑndaki hedeflerden biri, โ€œeลŸit muamele politikalarฤฑnฤฑn (ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk karลŸฤฑtฤฑ) uygulanmasฤฑnฤฑ amaรงlayan bir yasal รงerรงeve ve uygulamalarโ€ oluลŸturmak ve uygulamaktฤฑr. Bu hedefteki ilerleme, cinsel yรถnelim ve cinsiyet kimlikleri gibi kadฤฑnlara karลŸฤฑ diฤŸer ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk tรผrlerini ele alma yรผkรผmlรผlรผฤŸรผnรผ iรงeren โ€œCEDAWโ€™ฤฑn uygulanmasฤฑnda Polonya kurumlarฤฑ tarafฤฑndan kaydedilen ilerlemeโ€ olarak tanฤฑmlanmaktadฤฑr.

Bunu teyit eden CEDAW Komitesi, Kasฤฑm 2014โ€™te Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn birleลŸik yedinci ve sekizinci periyodik raporlarฤฑna iliลŸkin Sonuรง Gรถzlemlerinde, โ€œRoman, lezbiyen, biseksรผel, transseksรผel, interseks ve engelli kadฤฑnlara karลŸฤฑ olumsuz kliลŸelere karลŸฤฑ koyma รถnlemlerinin eฤŸer varsa bile sฤฑnฤฑrlฤฑ etkililiฤŸineโ€ dikkat รงekti. Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn ฤฐnsan Haklarฤฑ Komiseriโ€™nin raporlarฤฑnฤฑn da kanฤฑtladฤฑฤŸฤฑ gibi, son geliลŸmeler durumu iyileลŸtirmekten รงok daha da kรถtรผleลŸtirdi. Ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk iklimi, lezbiyen, biseksรผel ve trans kadฤฑnlarฤฑn barฤฑลŸ ve gรผvenliฤŸi iรงeren karar alma sรผreรงlerine ve Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn gรผvenlik gรผรงlerine katฤฑlma imkanlarฤฑnฤฑ da, nefret sรถylemi veya ลŸiddet riski barฤฑndฤฑrdฤฑฤŸฤฑ iรงin engelleyebiliyor. Bu, UEPโ€™nin โ€œkadฤฑnlarฤฑn รงatฤฑลŸmayฤฑ รถnleme ve barฤฑลŸฤฑ korumaya anlamlฤฑ katฤฑlฤฑmฤฑโ€ konusundaki ilk dayanaฤŸฤฑ altฤฑndaki temel hedeflerin uygulanmasฤฑna mรขni oluyor.

ฤฐkinci Dayanak: ฤฐnsani Yardฤฑm ve Kalkฤฑnma Yardฤฑmฤฑ

UEPโ€™nin ikinci dayanaฤŸฤฑ, Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn insani yardฤฑm ve kalkฤฑnma yardฤฑmฤฑ yoluyla WPS gรผndemini uygulamayฤฑ amaรงlamaktadฤฑr. Bu, diฤŸer ลŸeylerin yanฤฑ sฤฑra, รงatฤฑลŸmaya baฤŸlฤฑ cinsel ve cinsiyete dayalฤฑ ลŸiddet maฤŸdurlarฤฑna yรถnelik destek ve koruma yoluyla saฤŸlanacaktฤฑr.

ร‡atฤฑลŸma durumlarฤฑnda, โ€œhomofobik รถnyargฤฑnฤฑn, genellikle erkeklerin cinsel ลŸiddeti hedeflemesinin bir aรงฤฑklamasฤฑ olarak gรถsterildiฤŸindenโ€ รถtรผrรผ , homofobik politikalar ve uygulamalar, Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn bu tรผr ลŸiddeti etkili bir ลŸekilde รถnleyebilmesini, tepki gรถsterebilmesini ve bรถylece UEPโ€™nin ikinci dayanaฤŸฤฑnฤฑn gerรงekleลŸmesini engelleyebilir.

รœรงรผncรผ Dayanak: Kurtulanlarฤฑ Desteklemek

Ulusal Eylem Planฤฑ bir yandan da, โ€œPolonyaโ€™ya uluslararasฤฑ koruma iรงin baลŸvuran รงatฤฑลŸmayla baฤŸlantฤฑlฤฑ cinsel ลŸiddet maฤŸdurlarฤฑna destek vermeyiโ€ de amaรงlamaktadฤฑr.

Cinsel yรถnelim ve cinsiyet kimliฤŸi temelli haklฤฑ gerekรงelere dayanan adli takibat korkusu, Polonyaโ€™da sฤฑฤŸฤฑnma hakkฤฑ elde etmek iรงin yeterli bir temel olabilir. DiฤŸer taraftan, uygulamada โ€œcinsel yรถnelimlerine ve cinsiyet kimliฤŸine dayalฤฑ olarak uluslararasฤฑ koruma iรงin meลŸru iddialarda bulunan yabancฤฑlarฤฑn reddedilmesi ve sฤฑnฤฑr dฤฑลŸฤฑ edilmesiโ€ vakalarฤฑ gerรงekleลŸmiลŸtir. Ayrฤฑca, LGBTQ sฤฑฤŸฤฑnmacฤฑlara karลŸฤฑ ลŸiddeti รถnleyecek herhangi bir รถnlem yoktur. Bu nedenle, Polonyaโ€™da uluslararasฤฑ koruma iรงin baลŸvuran, รงatฤฑลŸmaya baฤŸlฤฑ cinsel ลŸiddetten kurtulan LGBTQ maฤŸdurlarฤฑnฤฑn yeterli destek almalarฤฑ pek mรผmkรผn deฤŸildir ve Polonyaโ€™da bir kez daha baลŸka ihlallerin hedefi haline gelebilirler.

Dรถrdรผncรผ Dayanak: Uluslararasฤฑ DayanฤฑลŸma

Son olarak, UEP ayrฤฑca Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn โ€œuluslararasฤฑ forumlarda รงatฤฑลŸmayla iliลŸkili cinsel ลŸiddet eylemlerinde faillerin etkinliฤŸini artฤฑrmak ve hesap verebilirliฤŸini artฤฑrmak iรงin รงabalamasฤฑnฤฑโ€ taahhรผt etmektedir. Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn sรถylemi ve uluslararasฤฑ forumlara katkฤฑlarฤฑ, yรผkselen kurumsallaลŸmฤฑลŸ homofobi de dahil olmak รผzere, รผlkedeki siyasi iklimle de renkleniyor. Bu, รผlkenin cinsel ve toplumsal cinsiyete dayalฤฑ ลŸiddetten hesap verebilirliฤŸi saฤŸlamaya yรถnelik etkili bir ลŸekilde รงalฤฑลŸma yeteneฤŸini zayฤฑflatฤฑyor. .

Ekim 2019โ€™da, Avrupa Parlamentosuโ€™nun Polonya รœyeleri, Ugandaโ€™daki LGBTQ kiลŸilere yรถnelik baskฤฑlarฤฑ kฤฑnayan bir karar รผzerinde รงekimser kaldฤฑ. Karar, Ugandaโ€™daki eลŸcinsel kiลŸilere yรถnelik รถlรผm cezasฤฑ ve รงatฤฑลŸmayla baฤŸlantฤฑlฤฑ cinsel ลŸiddet eylemleri dahil olmak รผzere, devletin zorunlu kฤฑldฤฑฤŸฤฑ zulme odaklanฤฑyordu. Bu endiลŸe verici karar รผlkedeki homofobinin Polonyaโ€™nฤฑn dฤฑลŸ politikasฤฑna sฤฑzdฤฑฤŸฤฑna ve dolayฤฑsฤฑyla onun dฤฑลŸ politikasฤฑna ve Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ, Gรผvenlik taahhรผtlerini yerine getirme yeteneฤŸine zarar verdiฤŸine iลŸaret etmektedir.

WPS kararlarฤฑ kapsamฤฑndaki yรผkรผmlรผlรผklerini etkin bir ลŸekilde yerine getirmek iรงin Polonya, LGBTQ vatandaลŸlarฤฑna etkili koruma saฤŸlamalฤฑdฤฑr.

BirleลŸmiลŸ Milletler Gรผvenlik Konseyiโ€™nin 1325 sayฤฑlฤฑ Kararฤฑnฤฑn 20. Yฤฑldรถnรผmรผne yaklaลŸฤฑrken, WPS topluluฤŸu homofobi ve transfobinin, gรผndemin uygulanmasฤฑndaki etkileri konusunda sessiz kalmamalฤฑdฤฑr. Tersine, kadฤฑnlar, barฤฑลŸ, gรผvenlik ile ilgili konuลŸmayฤฑ geniลŸletmek iรงin bu fฤฑrsatฤฑ deฤŸerlendirmeliyiz. Bu, โ€œvarsayฤฑlan cinsiyet temelli olarak iki kategoriyi iรงeren dar bir odaktan, ikili varsayฤฑmฤฑ รงรผrรผten feminist bir proje olarak cinsiyete daha geniลŸ bir odaklanan bir kategoriye geรงmekโ€ anlamฤฑna gelir.

Bu aynฤฑ zamanda, yerel politikalarฤฑn โ€“ ve รถzellikle azฤฑnlฤฑklara yรถnelik davranฤฑลŸ biรงimlerinin โ€“ Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ, Gรผvenlik yรผkรผmlรผlรผkleri รผzerinde โ€“ Polonyaโ€™da ve baลŸka yerlerde โ€“ derin bir etkiye sahip olduฤŸunu kabul etmek anlamฤฑna gelir. BarฤฑลŸ, savaลŸ yokluฤŸundan daha fazlasฤฑdฤฑr โ€“ kapsayฤฑcฤฑ kurumlar, adalete eriลŸim ve herkes iรงin gรผvenlik gerektirir. ร‡atฤฑลŸmayฤฑ รถnlemek ve Kadฤฑn, BarฤฑลŸ, Gรผvenlik gรผndeminin temel amacฤฑ olan cinsiyete duyarlฤฑ bir barฤฑลŸ iรงin รงalฤฑลŸmak, รงatฤฑลŸma ve gรผvensizliฤŸin daha derin, yapฤฑsal kaynaklarฤฑnฤฑn ele alฤฑnmasฤฑnฤฑ gerekli kฤฑlar. Bu, en รถnemlisi, marjinalleลŸtirme, ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk ve LGBTQ kiลŸilere yรถnelik ลŸiddeti iรงerir.

Populism and Femicide in Turkey

Photo by Begรผm Zorlu

by Balki Begumhan Bayhan & Begรผm Zorlu

Pฤฑnar Gรผltekin, a 27-year-old student murdered by her ex-partner in July, whose death began the #ChallengeAccepted movement on Instagram. Source: Ahval/Facebook

On 21 July 2020, 27-year old university student Pฤฑnar Gรผltekin was murdered by her ex-boyfriend, becoming another victim of Turkeyโ€™s wave of femicides. Gรผltekin was declared missing for six days before she was found dead, strangled to death for refusing to reconcile with her former partner.

The news of Gรผltekinโ€™s murder sparked protests across the country, with women taking to the streets in more than ten cities. The largest demonstrations took place across various neighbourhoods of Istanbul, gathering thousands of people. Smaller-scale protests also took place in less-populous Turkish cities including ฤฐzmir, Edirne, Mersin and Malatya.

On more than one occasion, women protesting gender-based violence were met with violence themselves. In ฤฐzmir, police officers brutally intervened in the protest and several women were beaten. Videos from the event captured scenes of women being manhandled and dragged away by police officers. 12 were taken into custody, although they were later released.

Women in Turkey have also taken to social media to protest femicides and express support for the Istanbul Convention โ€“ an international treaty on preventing violence against women โ€“ from which the Turkish government has expressed its intention to withdraw. The social media movement has involved women sharing photos of themselves in black and white on Instagram or Twitter under the hashtags โ€˜#ChallengeAcceptedโ€™ and โ€˜#IstanbulSozlesmesiYasatirโ€™ (the Istanbul Convention Keeps Women Alive). Although it first started to trend in Turkey after Gรผltekinโ€™s murder, this movement has now spread outside the country. Millions of women have participated in this social media movement โ€“ including high-profile celebrities such as Jessica Biel and Christina Aguilera.

Since the news of the murder of Gรผltekin, 11 women โ€“ Bahar ร–zcan, Seher Fak, Mรผcella Demir, Sรผheyla Yฤฑlmaz, Derya Aslan, Emine YanฤฑkoฤŸlu, Dรถndรผ and Beyza Kandur, Gรถnรผl Gรถkรงe, Sรผmmeye AteลŸ, ลžule Bilgin and an unnamed 4-year-old girl โ€“ have met a similar fate. These tragic murders are, unfortunately, in no way isolated incidents. They form part of a larger pattern that has been emerging in Turkey under the countryโ€™s increasingly authoritarian Justice and Development Party (AKP) government.

Populism Meets Anti-Gender Discourse

Under the AKP, the number of women killed by men has increased rapidly. Since 2010, more than 3,000 women have been murdered as a result of male violence, with the figure more than doubling over the years. The vast majority of these women were killed for making decisions about their own lives โ€“ breaking up with a partner or rejecting menโ€™s advances.

The increasing rate of femicide in Turkey. Source: We Will Stop Femicide Platform

Turkeyโ€™s recent controversy around the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention can be interpreted as a manifestation of the broader anti-gender discourse of many right-wing populist parties. Similarly, Polandโ€™s conservative Law and Justice Party government has also been attacking the Convention, framing it as a menace to the family structure โ€“ with some of its officials arguing that it promotes โ€˜gay ideology.โ€™ The debate around Turkeyโ€™s possible withdrawal began after President Recep Tayyip ErdoฤŸan, in typical populist fashion, stated that โ€˜if the people want us to leave it, weโ€™ll leave it.โ€™ The arguments for leaving the Convention have been similar to those in Poland. In both cases they are built upon decades-old anti-feminist discourses, with advocates of withdrawal claiming that it โ€˜empowers LGBT+ groupsโ€™ and โ€˜destroys families.โ€™

As part of the AKPโ€™s polarising strategies against political opposition, the partyโ€™s officials have vocally criticised forms of womanhood that do not fit into the roles envisaged by their conservative understanding of the family structure. With increasing emphasis on womenโ€™s traditional roles, in 2011 the Ministry of Women and Family Affairs was rebranded to remove reference to women, becoming the Ministry of Family and Social Policies. In the past, AKP officials and ErdoฤŸan himself have repeatedly made discriminatory statements against women. For instance, the president has been quoted saying that โ€˜women are not equal to menโ€™ and called for women to have โ€˜at least three children.โ€™

The Way Forward

The governmentโ€™s attempt to turn the Istanbul Convention into a wedge issue has backfired. There is no clear segment of society against it, and according to an opinion poll by Turkey Report only 8.8 percent of the population want to withdraw, and 51.7 percent are not even aware of its contents.

While the number of femicides has steadily increased, the Turkish government has failed to implement measures to protect women or introduce any reforms to tackle gender inequality. According to the Judicial Records statistics in 2019, most of the complaints made by women of sexual and physical violence do not result in a prosecution. This year, Turkey ranked 130th out of 153 countries in the World Economic Forumโ€™sโ€ฏGlobal Gender Gap Index. Womenโ€™s rights activists are outraged by the deteriorating situation that is worsened by the proposal to withdraw from the treaty, with many arguing that it was never properly implemented in the first place.

Mobilised by outrage and solidarity, the womenโ€™s movement has made its presence felt in the mainstream of Turkish society, through both vocal social media campaigns and a tangible presence in the streets through mass protests. Gรผlseren Onanรง โ€“ who served as the vice president of the Republican Peopleโ€™s Party (CHP) and the founder of the Equality, Justice and Women Platform โ€“ has told the authors that she is administrating a new project called โ€˜the Voice of Women,โ€™ which aims to empower women on social media. She, like many feminist activists in Turkey, believes that effective use of social media is crucial to create awareness of, and action on, womenโ€™s rights and equality demands.

Londra’da โ€œSiyah Hayatlarฤฑ ร–nemlidirโ€ Protestolarฤฑ

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Londra’da โ€œSiyah Hayatlarฤฑ ร–nemlidirโ€ Protestolarฤฑ Ve โ€œร–ldรผrรผlen Siyah Kadฤฑnlarฤฑn Adฤฑnฤฑ Sรถyle

George Floydโ€™un 25 Mayฤฑsโ€™ta gรถzaltฤฑna alฤฑnฤฑrken รถldรผrรผlmesi Tรผrkiye dahil bir รงok รผlkede รถfke ve mobilizasyona yol aรงtฤฑ. Amerika BirleลŸik Devletleriโ€™nin Minneapolis kentinde gerรงekleลŸen cinayette beyaz polis memuru, silahsฤฑz, karลŸฤฑlฤฑk gรถstermeyen, onlardan durmasฤฑnฤฑ isteyen ve nefes alamadฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ sรถyleyen Floydโ€™un ensesine ฤฑsrarla dizini bastฤฑrarak onu รถldรผrdรผ. Floydโ€™un รถldรผrรผldรผฤŸรผ anlarฤฑn kayฤฑtlarฤฑ sosyal medya รผzerinden paylaลŸฤฑldฤฑ. Guardian gazetesinin baลŸyazฤฑsฤฑ Floydโ€™un รถldรผrรผlรผลŸรผnรผn gaddarlฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑn dรผnyayฤฑ ลŸoke ettiฤŸini belirtiyordu. Bu zalimlik ve sรผregelen cezasฤฑzlฤฑk bรผyรผk bir รถfke ile hem ABDโ€™de hem de dรผnyada yeni bir โ€œSiyah Hayatlarฤฑ ร–nemlidirโ€ protesto dalgasฤฑnฤฑ tetikledi. Eylemler Floydโ€™un รถlรผmรผyle tekrar tetiklense de, sona ermeyen polis ลŸiddeti, ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑk, ayrฤฑmcฤฑlฤฑk ve eลŸitsizliฤŸe yรถneldi. Yine Guardianโ€™ฤฑn baลŸyazฤฑsฤฑnda belirtildiฤŸi gibi ฤฐngiltereโ€™nin farklฤฑ ลŸehirlerinde gerรงekleลŸen protestolarฤฑn rahatsฤฑz edici gerรงeklerle yรผzleลŸme yarattฤฑฤŸฤฑnฤฑ sรถyledi. ร‡รผnkรผ ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑk sadece ABDโ€™de deฤŸil ฤฐngiltereโ€™de de hakimdi. Bir protestocunun sรถylediฤŸi gibi โ€œฤฐngiltereโ€™nin de elleri temiz deฤŸildi.โ€

ฤฐngiltereโ€™deki Eylemler

GeรงtiฤŸimiz hafta ฤฐngiltereโ€™de gerรงekleลŸen protestolara on binlerce kiลŸi katฤฑldฤฑ. Koronovirรผs salgฤฑnฤฑn sona ermediฤŸi ve sokaฤŸa รงฤฑkma kฤฑsฤฑtlamalarฤฑnฤฑn var olduฤŸu bu gรผnlerde, farklฤฑ ลŸehirlerde ve gรผnlerde buluลŸan kitleler hem Trump yรถnetimini hedef alarak, hem de eลŸitsizliฤŸin ve ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑn altฤฑnฤฑ รงizerek yetkililere seslendiler.

Eylemlerde รถne รงฤฑkan sloganlar ve pankartlar siyah olma durumu, polis ลŸiddeti ve kurumsal ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑk รผzerineydi. ร–zellikle ฤฐngiltereโ€™de Koronovirรผs salgฤฑnฤฑnda siyahlarฤฑn beyazlara gรถre daha รงok hayatฤฑnฤฑ kaybetmesi de pankartlara yansฤฑmฤฑลŸtฤฑ[2]. Eylemlere katฤฑlan bir beyaz kadฤฑn โ€œkendimizi sรผrekli eฤŸitmemiz gerekโ€ pankartฤฑnฤฑ taลŸฤฑyordu ve baลŸka bir eylemci ise beyaz รผstรผnlรผฤŸรผ dรผลŸรผncesine karลŸฤฑ mobilize olunmasฤฑ gerektiฤŸini sรถylรผyordu. BaลŸka bir pankartta ise โ€œฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑk en bรผyรผk pandemiโ€ yazฤฑyordu. Alanlarda โ€œnefes alamฤฑyorumโ€, โ€œsiyah hayatlarฤฑ รถnemlidirโ€, โ€œpolis ลŸiddetine sonโ€ sloganlarฤฑ hakimdi.

Guardianโ€™dan Tim Adams eylemcilerin pandemi zamanฤฑnda riskleri yok sayarak alanlarda toplanmasฤฑnฤฑ โ€œaciliyetโ€ ve โ€œbitkinlikโ€ hissinin hakimliฤŸi ile aรงฤฑkladฤฑ. Onun da belirttiฤŸi gibi geรงmiลŸ adaletsizlik bugรผnรผn รถfkesini ลŸekillendiriyordu[3]. Protestolara รถzellikle lise ve รผniversite รถฤŸrencileri tarafฤฑndan katฤฑlฤฑm yoฤŸundu. GeรงtiฤŸimiz hafta Londraโ€™daki en bรผyรผk eylemler Amerikan KonsolosluฤŸuโ€™nun รถnรผnde, Hyde Park ve Westminsterโ€™da gerรงekleลŸse de mahallerde de protestolar gerรงekleลŸti. Bristol ลŸehrinde 84 bin Afrikalฤฑโ€™nฤฑn kรถleleลŸtirilmesini saฤŸlayan Edward Colstonโ€™ฤฑn heykeli protestocular tarafฤฑndan yฤฑkฤฑldฤฑ.

Eylemler devam ederken bir yandan da ฤฐลŸรงi Partisiโ€™nden vekiller ABDโ€™deki polis ลŸiddetine karลŸฤฑ ฤฐngiliz hรผkรผmetini hareket etmeye รงaฤŸฤฑrdฤฑ. Uluslararasฤฑ Ticaret Gรถlge Bakanฤฑ Emily Thornberry, Donald Trumpโ€™ฤฑn ลŸiddeti arttฤฑran aรงฤฑklamalarฤฑndan sonra ฤฐngiltereโ€™nin Amerikan gรผvenlik gรผรงlerine toplumsal olaylara mรผdahale araรงlarฤฑnฤฑ tedarik etmeye devam etmesinin โ€œutanรง vericiโ€ olacaฤŸฤฑnฤฑ sรถyledi[4] ve hรผkรผmete harekete geรงmesi iรงin bir mektup yolladฤฑ. Bazฤฑ vekiller protestolara katฤฑlฤฑrken, son gรผnlerde ฤฑrkรงฤฑ ve taciz eden mesajlar alan ฤฐลŸรงi Partisiโ€™nin Brent Central vekili, Dawn Butler, ABDโ€™ye gรถz yaลŸartฤฑcฤฑ gaz ve plastik mermi ihracatฤฑnฤฑ durdurma imza kampanyasฤฑnฤฑ baลŸlattฤฑ. Butler hem mecliste hem de sosyal medyada sistemik ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑ dรผzeltmeden gerรงek deฤŸiลŸimin gerรงekleลŸemeyeceฤŸini sรถyledi.

Protestolar devam ederken ฤฐngiltere iรงindeki reform ve deฤŸiลŸiklikler รผzerine tartฤฑลŸma yรผrรผmeye devam etti. Meclisteki tartฤฑลŸmalar protestolarda da dile getiriliyordu. EฤŸitim sisteminin ve mรผfredatฤฑn deฤŸiลŸmesi de bu taleplerden biriydi. Black Curriculum gibi eฤŸitimde reform talep eden gruplar sรถmรผrgeciliฤŸin yarattฤฑฤŸฤฑ mirasฤฑn anlaลŸฤฑlmasฤฑnฤฑn kurumsal ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑ aลŸmak iรงin รถnemli bir adฤฑm olacaฤŸฤฑnฤฑ belirttiler.[5] Bu talepler โ€œBritanyalฤฑ รงocuklara ฤฐngiliz Emperyalizmi ve SรถmรผrgeciliฤŸinin Gerรงekliklerini ร–ฤŸretinโ€ imza kampanyasฤฑna dรถnรผลŸtรผ.

โ€œร–ldรผrรผlen Siyah Kadฤฑnlarฤฑn Adฤฑnฤฑ Sรถyleโ€ ve Dรผnyada Artan DayanฤฑลŸma

Bu sรผrecin รถne รงฤฑkan รถzelliklerinden biri ise sosyal hareketler ve protestocular hem sokakta hem de sosyal aฤŸlar รผzerinden mobilize olmasฤฑ ve uluslararasฤฑ bir dayanฤฑลŸma aฤŸฤฑnฤฑn รถrรผlmesiydi. Bu aฤŸlar da gรผn geรงtikรงe bรผyรผyor. Dรผnyanฤฑn her yerinden milyonlarca dayanฤฑลŸma mesajlarฤฑ paylaลŸฤฑyor ve eylem taktikleri yayฤฑlฤฑyor. Floydโ€™un รถlรผmรผnรผn ardฤฑndan #SayHerName (Onun Adฤฑnฤฑ Sรถyle) etiketi de sosyal aฤŸlarda hฤฑzla yayฤฑlmaya baลŸladฤฑ. Farklฤฑ coฤŸrafyalarda aynฤฑ sloganlar, gรถrseller ve isimler haykฤฑrฤฑldฤฑ; hayatฤฑnฤฑ daha รถnce kaybetmiลŸ kiลŸilerin hikayeleri anlatฤฑlmaya baลŸlandฤฑ. Sivil Haklar aktivisti ve akademisyen Kimberlรฉ Crenshaw[6] ve bir sosyal harekete dรถnรผลŸen โ€œSay Her Nameโ€ uzun zamandฤฑr รถldรผrรผlen siyah kadฤฑnlarฤฑn isimlerini ve hikayelerinin duyulmasฤฑ iรงin mรผcadele ediyordu. Floydโ€™un รถlรผmรผnden sonra siyah kadฤฑnlarฤฑn hikayelerinin unutulmamasฤฑ iรงin yeni bir hareketlenme baลŸladฤฑ. Sandra Bland, Breonna Taylor[7], Tanisha Anderson, Michelle Cusseaux ve daha niceleriโ€ฆ Onlarฤฑn hikayeleri paylaลŸฤฑldฤฑ ve onlarฤฑn neden โ€œunutulduฤŸuโ€ tartฤฑลŸฤฑlmaya baลŸlandฤฑ. Farklฤฑ eลŸitsizlik biรงimleri รผzerinden baลŸlayan tartฤฑลŸmalar kadฤฑnlarฤฑn โ€œSiyah Hayatlarฤฑ ร–nemlidirโ€ hareketinde gรถrรผnmezliฤŸini sona erdirilmesi gerektiฤŸini gรถsterdi.

Sosyal medya etiketleri รผzerinden sanatรงฤฑlar kaybedilen hayatlarฤฑ anmak iรงin gรถrseller ve รงizimler paylaลŸฤฑldฤฑ. ร–zellikle bu haftaki eylemlerde Ariel Sinhaโ€™nฤฑn Breonna Taylor illรผstrasyonu, onun adฤฑnฤฑ sรถyle etiketiyle birlikte yaygฤฑn olarak paylaลŸฤฑldฤฑ ve ฤฐngiltereโ€™deki eylemlerde de protestocular tarafฤฑndan pankartlarda taลŸฤฑndฤฑ. ABDโ€™de baลŸlayan eylemlerde de Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez salgฤฑndan ve polis ลŸiddetinden korunmak iรงin tek gรถrsellik bir kฤฑlavuz hazฤฑrlamฤฑลŸtฤฑ[8]. Bu kฤฑlavuz ve iรงeriฤŸi ฤฐngiltereโ€™deki protestolarda da kullanฤฑldฤฑ.

Son olarak, geรงtiฤŸimiz iki haftada baลŸlayan mobilizasyonda kadฤฑnlar dayanฤฑลŸma saฤŸlayarak, hรผkรผmeti hesap vermeye ve deฤŸiลŸtirmeye zorlayarak, alanlarda protesto ederek ve hikayelerin duyulmasฤฑnฤฑ saฤŸlayarak โ€œSiyah Hayatlarฤฑ ร–nemlidirโ€ hareketini ลŸekillendirdi. Kadฤฑnlar ฤฑrkรงฤฑlฤฑฤŸฤฑn feminist bir konu olduฤŸunu ve kadฤฑn dayanฤฑลŸmasฤฑnฤฑn bu hareketteki รถnemini gรถsterdiler. Gelecek gรผnler de bu dayanฤฑลŸmanฤฑn bรผyรผyeceฤŸini gรถsteriyor.

[1] Bu rapor ile ilgili Michael Bankoleโ€™nin yazฤฑsฤฑ okunabilir. https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/coronavirus-bame-deaths-phe-matt-hancock-blm-racism-a9546091.html

[2] Bu rapor ile ilgili Michael Bankoleโ€™nin yazฤฑsฤฑ okunabilir.https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/coronavirus-bame-deaths-phe-matt-hancock-blm-racism-a9546091.html

[3] ABDโ€™den โ€œSiyah Hayatlar ร–nemlidirโ€ aktivisti Braelyn Willis ile konuลŸan Burak Tatariโ€™nin mรผlakatฤฑ da sรผregelen adaletsizliฤŸe deฤŸiniyor: https://medyascope.tv/2020/06/04/siyah-hayatlar-onemlidir-aktivisti-braelyn-willis-medyascopea-konustu-trump-iktidarinda-bircok-insan-irkciligini-cekinmeden-ortaya-koyuyor/

[4] Emily Thornberryโ€˜nin mektubunun tam metni: https://labour.org.uk/press/emily-thornberry-demands-action-on-us-riot-control-exports/

[5]2019 yฤฑlฤฑnda kurulan ve Siyah tarihinin mรผfredata girmesi kampanyasฤฑ yรผrรผten Black Curriculum hakkฤฑnda kฤฑsa bir BBC videosu: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/education-51650417/black-history-should-it-be-part-of-the-wider-curriculum

[6] Kimberlรฉ Crenshaw ve โ€œintersectionalityโ€ (sosyal konumlarฤฑnฤฑn cinsiyetleri dฤฑลŸฤฑnda sฤฑnฤฑf ve etnik kรถkenleri tarafฤฑndan da etkilenmesi gรถrรผลŸรผ) hakkฤฑnda giriลŸ niteliฤŸinde bir mรผlakat https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/2019/5/20/18542843/intersectionality-conservatism-law-race-gender-discrimination

[7] Alisha Haridasani Gupta New York Timesโ€™ da neden Breonna Taylor hakkฤฑnda konuลŸmadฤฑฤŸฤฑmฤฑz hakkฤฑnda bir yazฤฑ kaleme aldฤฑ. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/04/us/breonna-taylor-black-lives-matter-women.html

[8] Gรถzaltฤฑna alฤฑnma durumunda Amerikan Sivil ร–zgรผrlรผkler BirliฤŸi (ACLU) yasal haklar รผzerine, Teen Vogue dergisi stratejik ve etik olan documentation tekniฤŸi hakkฤฑnda bir kฤฑlavuz hazฤฑrladฤฑ. Link: https://www.teenvogue.com/story/how-to-film-police-safely

Bu yazฤฑ EลŸitlik Adalet Kadฤฑn Platformu’nda  yayฤฑnlanmฤฑลŸtฤฑr. Orijinal linke eriลŸmek iรงin tฤฑklayฤฑnฤฑz.

FotoฤŸraflar Begรผm Zorlu tarafฤฑndan รงekiลŸmiลŸtir.

The Stansted 15: Protest, Prosecution, and the Fight Against Mass Deportations

On the night of 28 March 2017, fifteen activists breached the perimeter fence at Stansted Airport, ran onto the apron, and locked themselves to a plane. The aircraft had been chartered to remove 60 people to Nigeria, Ghana, and Sierra Leone. According to the protesters, which is now known as the Stansted 15, the individuals on board were at risk of serious harm and even death if deported. That is why they needed to engage in direct action.

Their intervention delayed the flight and, in several cases, allowed passengers more time to pursue legal appeals. One man, later granted the right to remain in the UK, said that without their action, he would have missed his daughterโ€™s birth and been deported without his (ultimately successful) case being heard.

The authorities saw it differently. In 2018, the Stansted 15 were convicted of endangering the safety of an aerodrome under section 1(2)(b) of the Aviation and Maritime Security Act 1990โ€”a serious offence originally drafted to address terrorist threats, not peaceful protest. The law covers the unlawful and intentional disruption of aerodrome services โ€œin such a way as to endanger or be likely to endangerโ€ safe operations or the safety of persons.

Critics argue that the charge was grossly disproportionate and designed to intimidate campaigners. Helen Brewer, one of the convicted, described the prosecution as โ€œan unprecedented use of terror law against peaceful protesters who acted to prevent harm,โ€ adding that โ€œthe real crimesโ€ were the UK governmentโ€™s use of โ€œbrutal, inhumane and barely legal deportation flights.โ€

Deportation Flights

Mass deportations by charter flight are a largely hidden feature of the UKโ€™s immigration system. In 2016 alone, 10,706 people were forcibly removed; one in seven of those deportations took place via secretive night-time charters.

Critics argue that as entire flights are often booked for individuals of the same nationality, this raises concerns about racial discrimination and collective punishment.

Exposing Injustice and State Repression

The Stansted 15โ€™s case also raises broader questions about the right to protest in the UK. Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) protect freedom of expression, assembly, and association, including peaceful demonstrations.

It also challenges the conventional moral order, recasting the state as the perpetrator and the activists as those upholding justice. As one supporter put it, the group sought to stop โ€œthe real crime being committed,โ€ reframing civil disobedience as a moral responsibility rather than a legal transgression. Their legitimacy rests on humanitarian necessity, framing their intervention as an ethical imperative. This is a case that suggests certain circumstances compel action beyond the boundaries of the law. It also strips away the sanitised language that often surrounds state deportations, replacing it with stark descriptions like โ€œsecretive night-time chartersโ€ and โ€œbrutal, inhumane and barely legal deportation flights.โ€ In doing so, it makes visible the structural harm usually obscured by official rhetoric.

Voices From Egypt After the Military Coup: A Quest For National Consensus

490-330
This is an extract of the POMEAS (Project on the Middle East After the Arab Spring) interview.
Mahmoud Makade, a resident of Cairo and the general secretary of Tomorrows Youth Liberal Organization answers our questions about the Egyptian uprising of 2011 and the path that re- created an elevated form of authoritarianism in the country.
ย 
To start off from an individual point of view, how can you describe the uprising, were you part of the movement then, how was the first mobilization setting off from the streets of Cairo?
I was the general secretary of Tomorrows Youth Liberal Organization since 2010 he was a university student in Cairo. For us the demonstrations did not start in 2011. We prepared for protesting before 2010, with the 6th of April movement. There were also people in support of different figures, Muslim
Brotherhood, socialists. There were various active political groups before the revolution. They were preparing huge protest for reforms in 14 January 2011.
When Bin Ali ran away from Tunisia and we heard about the Jasmine revolution impatience rose in Egypt. We were ready to ask for more. So we felt that we had the power at 25 th of January to march. We made banners in public areas around Cairo trying to ask people to make a demonstration against Hosni Mubarak.
We were surprised because we didnโ€™t accept this turnout.
So why do you think they joined the protest, then?
First, in the last ten years there was a certain date for protesting in squares with a demand. This started with 9 th of April 2003 when American invaded Iraq. It was the first time when Egyptian people protested against the regime. This was the first time after 1952 they started to chant against the head of government.
Then what happened in 2004 remained crucial. The Kefaya- ูƒูุงูŠุฉ (Enough) movement said no for extension and no for heritability. There was a new opening in 2005 when Ayman Nour was a candidate of the Liberal Party against Hosni Mubarak. But the conclusion was the fraud elections and then they
arrested him for 5 years.
6 April Movement was one of the most important social protests but still, it was not massive. So, 25 January came like a carnival for us. It was a result of the struggling of almost 7 years. In 2005 we werenโ€™t more than 200-300 protestors when we were chanting against Hosni Mubarak. In January we were 250 000 in
60 minutes at Tahrir square.
The popular congestion came with the high prices and the non-changing rates of poverty and unemployment. 12 million Egyptians live in the suburbs and they were upset and had enough. So we used these problems against Hosni Mubarak.
We used another technique, which was really important. It was the slums they are not organized by the government. So we tried to communicate with youth groups that are not related to political parties. We used it for football fans and we succeed to communicate with them. Al-Ahly and Al-Zamalek Ultras fans, we
couldnโ€™t have this revolution without them.
The difference from any protests since 2005 to 2011 was that 2005 wasnโ€™t a mass movement. The mass movement made a revolution. What about the influence of workers on the revolution?
The workers have their story with strikes since the 1970s; they had a lot of important strikes since 2010 until the military coup until 2013. The 2013 coup repressed the worker movement like any other movement in Egypt. Between the strikes of the 1980s and now there is a difference. The slogans were different. In
The 1970s there were chanting for democracy and freedom now today they only say functional slogans, not for broader ones. Their outlook is a certain target.
Strikes took place in Mahalla textile workers In Mahalla 2008 they smashed the statue of Hosni Mubarak with their shoes. During the 18 days of the revolution, they used civil disobedience, most of them didnโ€™t go to work.
The Copts have supported the revolution and experienced the military-policy brutality in and in the aftermath of the fall of Mubarak like the Maspero events.
How about their position now with the Sisi government? It is said that the Copts support Sisi. Can you name some of the reasons for this support?
In the Tahrir uprising, the head of the Coptic church Pope Shenouda III told the Christian Egyptians not to join the protests against Hosni Mubarak. The pope was really popular and they really liked him, but the Christian youth kept sharing videos on the Internet that meant โ€˜we respect the pope we got his orders but we are Egyptian and we have the right of revolution and be against Hosni Mubarakโ€™.
The Christians were one of the main actors of the Egyptian Revolution. Unfortunately, many accidents happened. From the radical Islamists in many cities there were attacks and also they destroyed a church in Cairo. They cut an ear of Christian man. When a Christian governor was elected in Qena they protested in front of his office and because of the protests, the government replaced him. There were speeches from people around Morsi with negative statements.
That is what made them stand by anyone who will topple the Muslim Brotherhood. They didnโ€™t want Muslims to reach authority. Until 1952 there was no difference between Muslims, Jews, Christians. For more than 60 years the military rule they destroyed this togetherness. The huge part of the Muslims in
Egypt sees Christians just as guests and they should leave and I am not kidding they have monsters in church for attacking Muslims.
On the other hand, Christians think that they own Egypt and the Muslims came from Arabia and they forced Egyptian people to convert to Islam and Egypt is a Christian country once the Muslims will leave it will be Coptic again.
The regime of Sisi is playing with fire and is double-faced. It says that it is protecting Copts from Muslim groups but Sisi was arresting people who were eating at Ramadan, at the same time he is arresting Christian people and accusing them that they are Muslim Brotherhood.
What about the popular faces that appeared after Tahrir? Bloggers, alternative media and revolution were an important point of discussion. Where are those people today?
They were a lot of public figures like Yusri Fuda, Moataz Matar, Reem Majid, Basem Yousif who were really speaking with the voice of the revolution. These voices are silent now. Some of them were depressed, felt helpless and they saw their selves like they did something wrong they are disappointed that the
revolution ended like this. Some left Egypt, some are in Turkey, some are banned on TV.
In Morsi era the media-revolution relations were different. He tried to push the public figures and make them close circles but he didnโ€™t arrest them and put a censor on them but the Sisi regime is doing it directly. He is doing it directly to the public figures not to show their ideas.
What were the new parties that were born from the movement of the revolution and were crucial for the movement itself?
I think the most important one was โ€˜No to Military Trials for Civiliansโ€™. University students like Mona Seif led it. She was a 19-year- old student now in the jail for 3 years. They charged her with the protest law.
A lot of feminist groups started since the revolution and it was very important for women. The problem of the movements was that they didnโ€™t work well together that is why we are seeing this picture now.
Most of them lay on the ground in front of the tank or depressed in their home or dead or prison in his cell. Some of the parties who showed up in the revolution led by businessman Naguib Sawiris and also Amr Musa today they are today pro Sisi.
We know that under the Sisi regime not only Muslim Brotherhood but also people from different groups are arrested like fans, students what kind of organizations do they come from what are they sentenced for?
What is happening in Egypt now is arresting anyone who is trying to think, anyone with creative ideas from every part of the society. It can be said that it was the same in the 1952 military coup. There is a resemblance between the eras. They prepare the charge before each one is arrested with no investigation.
When they judge someone they put the label the terrorist organization.
The regime is judging with terror even pro Sisi people are getting arrested. So in your opinion would there still be a coup no matter who governed like if there wasnโ€™t an Islamist government would there still be a coup? I think that who ever controlling Egypt after the revolution would have the same faith. It wouldnโ€™t matter if it is leftist liberal Islamism. But Morsi made mistakes with rebels and the national coalition. The Egyptian revolution made this coup easier.
On the other hand Morsi trusted Sisi, which turned out to be one of his main mistakes. When Morsi made the ministries he was thinking Sisi agreed with theMuslim Brotherhood. He was saying that the Muslim Brotherhood Sisi made Islam entering the Egyptian army.
In this atmosphere is there a place for free jurisdiction?
In 11 February 2011 our problem was the police till killing arresting and torturing us. Before, we trusted the army and courts more or less. Today we donโ€™t trust anyone nor the court and the army and it is a huge problem that Egypt faces.
After the coup the trust between the people army and court is over. I donโ€™t know where it will take us for sure there are honest judges but the problem is the system itself. Judges working in the Mubarak regime are still in power. The stability of all our ministries was necessary for a victory. So it was clear that the
revolution was not finished in Egypt we need independence of judges we need to have main government organizations to change army and police.
Political activity in Egypt stopped at 3 July we do protests sometimes we try to protest and invite people to continue the revolution each time we protest the government arrests most of our group.
The vice president of our organization was shot by a gun when he was protesting he is still in the hospital. The Egyptian government attacked our main office and throw our stuff at the street now they are pushing us not to open office again. The political is linked with the economy there is no economic development without
democracy there is no democracy without freedom there is no freedom without being safe and there is no safety for Egyptians before national consensus. For that there has to be unity among Egyptian people, there has to be transitional justice.
Sisi after the 2nd of June 2013 became a main part of the problem, the only solution is him leaving. Sisi is trying to calm the people down but there will be a spark that will start an explosion. Maybe this explosion will be kind of a hunger revolution and I hope that wonโ€™t happen as a hunger revolution with high
consequences. Or maybe this explosion will be the national consensus between the rebel parties that was separated in the Egyptian revolution.
There are millions who adore Sisi but every day he loses support. That was clear when he was candidate people didnโ€™t go to box. Every political, economic, social failure feeds the unpopularity. The problems increased after the revolution but in Sisi time it got worse. He said that he would build building units for people in the slums, but nothing. The economic situation will destroy Sisi because it is not
sustainable. All the rebels are arrested and there are more than 40 000 political prisoners, the government here doesnโ€™t build houses but jails.
So as a last word national consensus is a must. This was our mistake in the revolution. This is what we will try to reach first.